Islam's bully-boys
The Economist
September 09, 2000
Tehran: IT WAS was the kind of incident many Iranians like to believe
belongs to the past. When two respected intellectuals, Abdolkarim Soroush
and Mohsen Kadivar, arrived in Khorramabad, a remote western town, at the
end of August to speak to a student convention, they were blocked from
leaving the airport by a gang of Islamic vigilantes. The gang, armed with
knives and clubs, then broke up the convention, a gathering of the country's
biggest pro-democracy group. This led to nearly a week of street clashes
between the vigilantes and students, with townspeople joining in. A policeman
died and 35 people were taken to hospital.
"External enemies" (meaning the United States or Israel) are
being blamed for the affair by some members of the establishment, including
Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, a former president. Liberals, for their part,
are expressing astonishment that such lawlessness should continue now that
Iran is on the path to reform. But, by their reactions, both sides give
the impression that they may be living in a state of denial. Conservatives
perpetuate the notion that conspiratorial powers still foment strife inside
Iran; reformers try to convince themselves that the resurgence of vigilante
groups is an aberration.
The reality is rather different. The questioning, among students and
others, is home-grown. And the hardline establishment, when it is doing
well, as it is now, regularly sets off one of its most powerful weapons,
the ideologically-driven gangs of young men who believe that they are fighting
for Islam. Some of these youngsters are members of the Revolutionary Guards,
others belong to the Islamic basij militia. They are there to take on dissidents
or, indeed, anybody who flouts the rules.
When Muhammad Khatami became president three years ago, he declared
that from then on his government would impose the rule of law. Unfortunately,
his government does not control the armed forces or the police, who come
under the very people who control the vigilantes.
After the Tehran riots in July 1999, when vigilantes scrapped with pro-democracy
demonstrators, it appeared for a time as if the gangs had been brought
under control. The intelligence minister, Ali Younesi, declared that political
violence was a thing of the past. And, indeed, there was a lull. But the
hardliners, it seemed, were merely biding their time. Mr Younesi admitted
as much a few weeks ago when he acknowledged that vigilante groups were
still entrenched in his ministry and in other institutions. "They
have their own leadership network," he said, "and do as they
please."
A high-level commission has been dispatched to Khorramabad to investigate
the clashes. It will produce a report, no doubt blaming someone. But it
will not be able to stop the next eruption.Islamic vigilantes are once
again the footsoldiers of Iran's hardline establishment.
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