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Really? This one? Have you looked at the constitution of this Republic? Even La France in
all her glory had to go through five of them ó and three restorations ó to get to
be the lovely place that it is now. But let me try once more to engage your
writing directly, and see if I will be included on the list of denunciations that
you will then publish as points for this Republic.
This paragraph appears towards the beginning of a longish article, with a superabundance of French words that seem to try to flex your intellectual muscle, which I have never doubted or tried to underestimate. Now, I realize that what a Turkmen saddle-bag surrounded by Persian carpets in a Parisian shop has to do with the Mullah Republic in Iran that your article asks us to give a chance to, is a matter of stylistic for a "corporate lawyer." But in order to make sense out of this hermeneutically sealed gem of a discourse on the saving of "This Republic," I have read myself into it, because my Lebanese girl-friend tells me that my name in Arabic means The Prince (that is English for Le Prince.) But upon further inquiry from an erudite Kurdish friend of mine, it turns out that the name "Amir" originated indeed in Iran, from A-Mihr, or "of the sun," a position within the Iranian society held by commanders, which then later entered Arabic as "the prince" and is now generally read that way. In any case, I was named Amir not because I am a prince or a commander; I don't own rug stores either. But none of these meditations got me closer to unlocking the mysteries of your text. Then I thought, no, surely, this could not have been directed towards me; even a more cooperative-than-thou lawyer would not engage me because of my lack of "dynastic pedigree"; rather, perhaps the point of attack is Reza Pahlavi, and his Shahzadegi or perhaps the dept of his "dynastic pedigree" is being put into question. This would make more sense in the scheme of your article, which goes on to talk about the Ghajars extensively, leaving for the most part the Pahlavis, or what Reza Pahlavi does or says, out of the discourse of why we should "give this Republic a chance," and instead try to accentuate the most irrelevant and frustrated of opinions expressed in support of your thesis. But in any case, the introduction of terms such as "dynastic pedigree," points out the resentment with a particular one, not the dismissing of the whole thing altogether, which would call for a new word order. But now that I read your new reinforcement piece on the front of saving this Republic of yours, - for which you advocate vehemently from your offices in the United States and France, - as it takes snipes at various anonymous, but frustrated average Iranians with access to the internet, and feels superior in their demolition, I find your concluding paragraph a bit unnerving, because it makes me think that perhaps you didn't even read the email I wrote you in late February, one late ecstatically bleeding night, the one that was published by Jahanshah Javid under "Republic bee Republic" as he took the point of criticism towards his own writing and made a replica title for it, like a good self-critical publisher that he is. In fact, your last paragraph shows that even though I go through all your Parisian and childhood day-reveries, you have never bothered to take on the points of my letter, or rant, or faryad at all seriously, dismissing it as a former minister's son equipped with a stipended education would a refugee's vulgarisms as static on the line of clarity and perfect grammar. Here is your final (almost royal) condescension towards dissenting views:
Gharb-Zadegi is Ale-Ahmad's term, but the mixing of it with a rather homogenously secular-minded view's intention is not "to be fair" as you profess your last sentence or judgment to be. Furthermore, the "abject poverty" in discourse can be very easily overcome, - if that was at all your intention, and not just your profession - in coming down from the high horse of snobbery and replying to the points that was actually raised in my direct email to you, some of which you try to rewrite and corrupt and introduce as a new supplement that you graciously allocate for the sake of discourse. Meanwhile a poverty in discourse would in fact be perpetuated through replying to anonymous emails and unsubstantial claims as a bulk of your latest article, and basking in the sober intelligence of sunny reason your like-minded friends parcel out to you, in order to score points as it were in a contest of a discussion that actually has the tradition of a nation, if not her very life at stake. At the end of it all, the point is not about the aesthetic likings of you or me. This republic, as it stands today in Tehran, has to go regardless of the weeds in your garden or the saddlebag in the poor bastard-of questionable-pedigree's shop, because it fails, in its constitution, and in the system of its checks and balances, to provide for the democracy that is the calling and daad of all Iranians of all political persuasions today. Giving this republic a chance while gardening in Paris might be possible, but it is not possible if you are being repressed in Iran, or being threatened by state-sponsored terrorism in New York.
This is why there is a need for a period of open and honest debate within Iran itself, allowing all, no matter how inelegant, and with what questionable logic, to say for once how they feel, (something that isn't possible in this republic) followed by a multi-staged, UN-monitored referendum. This is what Reza Pahlavi is advocating, and if you want to be serious about discussing what "the Prince" himself says without dismissing his pedigree or friends apriori, killing a real discussion before it begins, then these are the questions you need to be addressing. And keep in mind before rejecting anything that comes from a royalist, despite
the degree of your taste and prejudice for the name republic, that this one, as it
is today practiced in Tehran, and in its fundamental constitution, is oppressing
real people, and "legally" torturing many more.
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