Basic
human dignity
Interview with Drewery Dyke: Amnesty International’s view
on human rights violations in Iran
Soheila
Vahdati
October 11, 2006
iranian.com
Drewery Dyke has been a researcher with Amnesty International's
International Secretariat in London since 1999. He has worked
on human rights issues in Kuwait, the UAE, Afghanistan and Iran.
He has a particular interest in the challenges facing human rights
defenders and in the problem of transitional justice ['edalat-e
enteghali]. Originally from Winnipeg, Canada, Drewery Dyke lives
in London with his partner and two girls.
First of all, let me
thank you for your time. And as a human rights defender I appreciate
the role AI is playing in promoting
the culture of human rights in my country. AI has played an important
role all over the world in not only saving people’s life
from death and torture, but also educating the public and human
rights defenders about how to emphasize on human rights issues
without making it political. This type of social activism is
new in Iran and fortunately is becoming a growing trend. However,
systematic violation of human rights seems to be on the rise.
How do you see the current situation with respect to human rights
in Iran?
All those involved in the defense of human rights
welcome the growth of such activism in Iran. Iranian human rights
defenders
(HRDs) are a courageous group of people; not least the women
human rights defenders (WHRDs). Iran continues to experience
grave human rights violations. Since the election of President
Ahmadinejad, human rights violations have continued at an unabated
pace and call into question the government's commitments to
the international human rights standards to which Iran is a state
party, such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political
Rights (ICCPR). The current situation is serious and the international
community needs to take a closer look at the human rights situation
in Iran and not be blinded by other issues, however pressing
they may appear.
October 10 is the World Day Against the Death
Penalty. While the world is moving towards abolition of death
penalty, Iran is increasingly executing its citizens for
various crimes where some of those crimes are defined as crimes
only
by the Islamic Republic of Iran. Do you have any statistics
on the number of executions in Iran? How do you rank the
Iranian regime in terms of the number of executions?
Globally, the use
of the death penalty remains shockingly high. In the course of
2005, at least 2,148 people were executed in
22 countries and at least 5186 people were sentenced to death
in 53 countries. These were only minimum figures; the true figures
were certainly higher. That said, in the same year, 94 per cent
of all known executions took place in China, Iran, Saudi Arabia
and the USA.
Based on its monitoring of reports available to
the public, Amnesty International estimated that at least 1,770
people were executed
in China during the year, although the true figures were believed
to be much higher. A Chinese legal expert was recently quoted
as stating the figure for executions is approximately 8,000 based
on information from local officials and judges, but official
national statistics on the application of the death penalty remained
classified as a state secret. In 2005 there were at least 94
executions in Iran, 86 executions in Saudi Arabia and 60 in the
USA.
At the time of this interview, Iran has executed
at least 122 individuals this year, though the true figure may
be considerably
higher.
It is true that "crimes" attracting the death
penalty in Iran do not exist in the vast majority of other countries,
notably in respect to consensual sexual relations and, for example,
the "crime" of being a mohareb, or being at enmity
with God. Moreover, despite a so-called moratorium set out by
the Head of the Judiciary in 2002, Iran has reportedly implemented
executions by stoning. Execution by stoning is a grotesque and
horrific practice: it aggravates the innate brutality of the
death penalty, as it is expressly designed to increase the victim's
suffering. It can be considered the ultimate form of cruel, inhuman
and degrading punishment. The abolition of this obscene practice
is long overdue: it should be abolished immediately and totally.
It
seems that Iran has a high rank on AI publications for executing
the child offenders. Is Iran the only country that executes
child offenders?
During the last decade, the judicial killing of children
has all but stopped. Only a handful of countries now threaten to
carry out such executions and in 2005 Iran was the only country
to do so after it lost its main ‘ally’ on this issue:
the United States of America. It was also the first country to
execute a child offender in 2006 – and only Pakistan has
joined it so far. Amnesty International believe that every country
has a duty to bring to justice - through systems of administration
of justice that adhere to international standards - those accused
of breaking internationally recognizable criminal offenses. Iran,
as a state party to the ICCPR, has committed itself to not executing
child offenders. Nevertheless, the Iranian government has flouted
international practice and international law by carrying out
executions of those who were alleged to committed a crime while
under the age of 18. As with the example of stoning, the execution
of child offenders is a practice which must be abolished, and
AI has repeatedly called on the authorities to do so, but without
response and sadly without success.
As you mentioned, some consensual
sexual relations are considered crimes, and there has been a
rise in such executions including
executions of two young men last year for sodomy, and stoning
of women and men for adultery. Is Iran the only country that
executes its citizens for the so called “sexual offenses”?
Around thirty countries retain the death penalty
for sexual offences, mostly for rape and especially in connection
with aggravated
rape. Cases of adultery and sodomy are capital offences in the
codified laws of a number of countries, including Yemen, most
of the Gulf countries, Pakistan and Sudan. Over recent years
some northern states of Nigeria have also introduced legislation
providing for the same. Uncodified religious law in Saudi Arabia
also provides for the death penalty for ‘sexual offenses’.
Amnesty International believes that consensual sexual relations
cannot be considered internationally recognizable criminal offences.
AI and its worldwide members, including those in countries such
as Bahrain and Lebanon, call on the Iranian authorities to commute
such death sentences and release those charged under these provisions
unless they are to be charged with a recognizably criminal offense.
It
seems Iran is the only country that has “stoning” as
a punishment in penal code and practices it. Two people, a man
and a woman, were stoned to death in Mashhad in May 2006 and
currently, there are 11 people, 9 women and 2 men, who are sentenced
to stoning. Why is it that we do not see an uproar in the west
about such barbaric act of simultaneous torture and execution?
AI had a “one million signature” campaign to save
Amina Lawal’s life from stoning, how come we don’t
see anything similar to that for the 11 people in danger of stoning
in Iran?
Amnesty International has involved its worldwide
membership in appeals to the Iranian authorities to halt stoning.
The organization
is considering a variety of other forms of campaigning, of which
such a public appeal is one. AI is focused on bringing about
a change - of saving lives - and will use methods that help bring
about that change. That said, as I mentioned above, other political
issues - relating to the recent conflict in the Lebanon and in
connection with the nuclear issue - have served to deflect attention
away from the grave human rights abuses in Iran. This is a mistake.
AI members are working to have the international community -
and the Iranian authorities - concentrate on the cost in terms
of human suffering, of such practices.
Does AI have an inspector
to provide first hand reports and visit the prisons in Iran?
Amnesty
International has repeatedly met with Iranian officials and have
repeatedly sought independent access to the country.
While officials have been cordial, AI has been denied research
access since shortly after the Islamic Revolution in 1979. The
two visits to Iran, undertaken in the last five years, were in
the context of events sponsored by multilateral bodies such as
the UN or EU. It is saddening that the Iranian government has
denied AI access to the country, since I believe that the organization
has much offer Iranian citizens. We want to go to Iran to talk
to students, to workers, to NGO activists and to officials about
upholding citizens' legitimate rights. I believe that there are
policemen, judges and prosecutors who want to uphold the law
and do so vigorously, but who do not want to trample the rights
of their fellow citizens; their neighbours; those whose children
attend the same schools and who laugh at the same things. AI
can offer training on policing, on administration of justice
and on law-making; it can inform society about what human rights
are. We want to promote human rights - in order to protect human
rights. And it is for that reason why I am saddened and dismayed
that the authorities have repeatedly denied AI access to the
country.
AI will, again, soon be seeking access to the country,
but we are not hopeful that such a request will be looked upon
favourably.
It is possible that a visit may be possible through a multilateral
event, such as one sponsored by the UN or EU, but it remains
to be seen whether even this will be achieved.
Does AI policy
include lobbying the judicial and government authorities, and has
it tried for direct contact with the Iranian officials?
In respect
to its advocacy of human rights issues with the Iranian authorities,
AI has approached officials of the country's foreign
ministry, but also senior judicial officials. In 2000, AI met
with the head of the Tehran judiciary, Abbas Ali Alizadeh, with
whom we raised cases of torture and ill treatment. Appeals are
made directly to the Head of the Judiciary, Ayatollah Shahroudi,
and contacts with other members of the judiciary, former parliamentarians
and others serve to ensure that AI's message is conveyed clearly
to the authorities. AI has no agenda other than the promotion
and protection of human rights: it takes no view relating to
forms of government, only in respect to implementation of human
rights standards. The organization seeks to be transparent in
its contact with the authorities, with whom the organization
seeks meaningful cooperation - at least in the field of human
rights.
The ban that Ayatollah Shahroudi ordered on stoning
executions in December 2002 was due to the pressure by the EU.
Does AI attempt
to lobby the European officials for exerting pressure on Iranian
officials?
Amnesty International's advocacy relating to human
rights in Iran is global. Drawing on the organization’s million-plus
members, the organization seeks to draw attention to the human
rights situation in Iran at strategic times, such as by AI's
Venezuelan section appealing to that government during the visit
of Iranian officials, by AI Germany campaigning on, for example,
issues relating to the freedom of expression, during the visit
by former president Khatami to the country, and to parliamentarians
throughout the world, not least in the European Parliament. Collectively,
the EU states have an important role in respect to bringing about
a greater observance of human rights standards in Iran and we
hope that they will act on expressions that reflect such concerns.
As
you mentioned, the condition of human rights has drastically worsened
since Ahmadinejad came to power. How do you evaluate
the recent events in Iran?
Successive governments in Iran have
pledged to govern in the name of all Iranians. Yet, in the course
of 2006 we have seen
a state-wide crackdown on a number of minorities in the country.
Scores of Iranian Azeris have been detained in connection with
the publication of a cartoon found by many to be offensive towards
the Azeri community, and in connection with the advocacy of Azeri
linguistic rights, a "right" set out in the Constitution.
Following unrest in Khuzestan, scores of Iranian Arabs were detained
and faced flagrant violations in terms of the administration
of justice. Kurdish activists, too, have faced arbitrary arrest
and torture. The Baha'i community has faced further strictures,
with a high ranking military official ordering those under his
command to gather information about the Baha'i community. Such
acts, the threat and use of violence against one's own citizenry
dismays human rights defenders (HRDs) the world over and calls
into question the Iranian authorities' respect for even the most
basic forms of human dignity.
It is astonishing that a country
which experienced torture and a high use of the death penalty
under the Pahlavi Shahs should
consider itself above society when it comes to implementing justice.
Many HRDs in Iran - lawyers, journalists, trades unionists, students
and simply those who publicly advocate international human rights
standards - have a great deal of experience and a wealth of knowledge.
One of them, Shirin Ebadi, was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize.
This remarkable achievement was testimony to the development
of the human rights discourse in Iranian society. The Center
for Human Rights Defenders, a group in which Shirin Ebadi is
active, has recently faced a threat of closure, though that threat
was, itself, issued by means which are illegal; while another
one of its members, Abdolfattah Soltani is currently appealing
against a five-year prison sentence related to his defense of
clients in a court case and which appears to be intended to prevent
or deter him from pursuing his legitimate peaceful activities
as a human rights defender and also to discourage other lawyers
and HRDs from pursuing cases of official impunity or representing
political cases.
The Iranian authorities should implement the
UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders and extend to those
active in the field
of human rights - not politics, but human rights - the measure
of respect and protection that such activity merits. Detaining,
torturing and imprisoning HRDs - and other members of Iranian
society - makes one think of the Saadi poem, 'Bani Adam, 'ezaye
yek peykarand...'
Last Saturday, Amnesty International facilitated
the flight of a human rights defender from Kabul, Afghanistan to
Dushanbe,
Tajikistan. The defender, a university lecturer at Kabul University,
had received scores, if not hundreds of death threats from the
resurgent Taleban in Afghanistan. Given Iran's level of social
development and HRD community, I would have liked to help him
travel to Tehran, where he could develop his own skills and contribute
to Iranian society. Yet current conditions - an absence of a
culture of human rights; an environment in which defenders are,
at best, disregarded, and at worst, ill treated, meant that he
had to go to Dushanbe. Iran's potential to lead not only the
Persian speaking countries but the region, in terms of upholding
human rights standards, is certainly there, yet the failure by
the leadership in Iran to value the essential qualities of respect
and dignity that is woven through human rights standards is a
continuing source of disappointment for all those who respect
Iran's culture.
Do you have any statistics about the number of
prisoners of conscience in Iran? And how is the issue of the
two deaths in custody, Akbar
Mohammadi and Valyollah Feyz Mahdavi, being followed?
In 2006,
hundreds, if not thousands, of Iranians have been arrested in the
context of demonstrations demanding their human rights,
or protesting against human rights violations, such as the Sharekat-e
Vahed workers in Tehran, the Sufis in Qom, the Iranian Azerbaijanis
protesting against the Iran cartoon and the women’s rights
protestors. Although most have been released, many may have been
prisoners of conscience, and some prisoners of conscience remain
detained, such as Sayed Ali Akbar Mousavi-Kho’ini. All
prisoners of conscience should be released immediately and unconditionally.
The rapidity of arrests and releases - usually on conditional
bail of some sort - makes the process of collating and verifying
such statistics difficult. In respect to the two cases of death
in custody in 2006, AI has called for independent investigations
and for the results to be made public. At the time of this interview,
there appears to be no attempt by the authorities to carry out
such an investigation in either case, whether in terms of the
procedure or in terms of a forensic assessment of the causes
of death. The organization is dismayed that in death, as in life,
both Akbar Mohammadi and Valiollah Feyz Mahdavi will not be accorded
the dignity and justice each man deserved in his life, irrespective
of their alleged crimes.
Amnesty has objected to the recent arrest
of Fereshteh Dibaj, daughter of Mehdi Dibaj the Christian priest
that was murdered
by the regime, and her husband. It seems the condition for religious
minorities is getting worse under Ahmadinejad, too. Does AI closely
follow the status of religious minorities? Is there any statistics
on the number of Baha’is, jews, and Christians that have
left the country after the revolution due to religious discriminations
and pressures?
The environment, or space, for all minorities -
religious, ethnic, gender and others - since the election of
President Ahmadinejad,
has appeared to narrow and a range of minorities appear to feel
under threat and cornered. The social climate in which social
diversity and respect for the human rights of minorities in Iran
appears under attack. The flight from Iran by Jewish, Assyirian,
Armenian and other communities has been underway for some years,
despite official pronouncements that the authorities respect
these communities. While AI does not have statistics on this
issue, the organization has campaigned against the legalized
discrimination of the 'gozinesh' laws that are found in a variety
of walks of life, be it a parliamentarian or a secretary in a
ministry.
The Iranian regime’s unwritten policy is to isolate the
human rights defenders. Recently, a researcher at Imam Sadegh
University wrote an article
about NGOs and stated that having
connections with foreigners is “haraam” (forbidden
by Islam).
What is AI’s
policy and plans to support and strengthen the network of human
rights defenders? It seems that the traditional
method of protesting and writing objection letters is not working
as it should. Does AI have further plans to expand its action
and make the IRI to have more respect for human rights and less
pressure on HRDs?
AI is gravely concerned at the crackdown directed
at HRDs in Iran. AI seeks to extend recognition to defenders
by explaining
what they are and what they do to the Iranian authorities,
the international community and to other networks of defenders,
such
as those in Latin America. The organization seeks to raise
the profile of defenders, including women defenders, by co-sponsoring
events such as the global WHRD consultation and platform which
took place last December in Sri Lanka. In addition, AI would
take immediate action to mobilize its activists around the
world
to campaign in support of any HRD who was detained in Iran
in connection with his or her human rights activities.
Mr. Dyke,
thank you again your time.
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