From Qom to Najaf
Sistani and Sadr fight for the heart and soul of Iraq's Shiite mainstream

September 29, 2005
iranian.com

PARIS -- Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani meeting with aides Thursday in the holy city of Najaf, urged his followers to vote "yes" on the new basic law. It is Iraqi hopes v/s Iranian backed chaos for the background one needs to go back to the legendary Najaf v/s Qom confrontation; this is the great schism within the Shiite Islam. It is about the ownership of khums‚ and relocation of Shiite Islam from hijacked land of Qom to the holy city of Najaf. It is akin to relocation of Shiite "Vatican"‚ from Qom to Najaf.

Today following Ali Sistani lead major political development surrounded Abdel-Aziz al-Hakim, the head of the Shiite Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq. His appeal to voters added a key voice of support two days after Shiite Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani also directed followers to back the charter. His SCIRI organization has strong ties to Shiite Iran and controls a powerful bloc in parliament. Al-Hakim took refuge in Iran during Saddam's rule.

"It is our religious duty to say 'yes' to the constitution and to go to the ballot boxes," al-Hakim told more than 2,000 supporters gathered in Baghdad to mark a 1991 Shiite uprising brutally crushed by Saddam Hussein.Al-Hakim said militants and former regime supporters were trying to undermine Iraqis' hopes for security ˜ but they would fail.

The battle of wills so far in present altercation have undoubtedly been won by the elder grand Ayatollah Sistani and his favored doctrine of "quietism" won over calls of "activism." From designed chaos aimed at popular uprising of the South to peaceful withdrawal Sistani political maneuverings helped defuse the crisis, in the process he has emerged as a new force to reckon with. Sistani plan to have higher goals his ambitions of Shiite heart and soul stems from his desire to shift the thrust of Shiite theocracy from Qom to Najaf and Karbela.

Whether clerics should confine their activities to religious affairs or also seek, a role in politics has been a matter of fierce debate among Shi'ites for well over a century. Sunnis, who in theory are expected to obey their rulers and even tolerate a tyrant in order to avoid civil strife and preserve the cohesion of the Muslim community, observant Shi'ites recognize no authority on earth except that of the imam. The twelfth imam is believed to be hidden from view and is expected to return one day as a messianic figure, the Mahdi. In his absence, there can be no human sovereign who is fully legitimate. This ambivalence toward worldly power has resulted in different interpretations within Shi'ite Islam regarding government accountability and the role of the clerics in state affairs. Imam Khomeini's concept of the rule of the jurist is only one among several competing views.

Sistani although being an Iranian born is a puritan first; his puritan streak overtakes his nationalistic passion. His believes in Shiite quietism are far more firm than Khomeini‚s activism and control of state. The majority in the south will pass the constitution of Iraq after this call. Sadr just does not have the clout to carry the dissent on behalf of Iran. Definitely, a lot of blood shed and infighting shall ensue, he is perfectly capable of that and a spoiler with great support in Shiite community around Baghdad. Perhaps ultimately the showdown between Iranian backed Sadr and nationalist, ideologically puritan Sistani is a good step for stability of Iraq. The call of Sistani to support the constitution is pragmatic and inclusive.

Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani meeting with aides Thursday in the holy city of Najaf, urged his followers to vote "yes" on the new basic law, according to two top officials in al-Sistani organization. The officials refused to be identified because they are not authorized to speak for the reclusive cleric. The lingering conflict in Iraq, demonstrates the subtle dynamics of Iraqi Shi'ism and the extent to which it affects power brokering in the Iraqi state. By handing over the keys to the Imam Ali mosque after last year stand off, Iraq's holiest Shi'ite shrine, Sadr transferred the ideological legitimacy to the authentic victor of the Najaf uprising, Grand Ayatollah Sistani.

It was Sistani's timely stroke that helped broker a deal that on surface looks a face-saver for Sadr. The deal allowed Sadr to be a free man despite his indictment for the murder of Khoei, for this concession he agreed to surrender the mausoleum of Imam Ali, disarmament of his militia and promise to join the mainstream Iraqi politics.

Sadr is a tool through which Iran increases or decreases the pressure on the allied forces in the south and the Sadr city. The insurgency is usually Sunni oriented but Sadr under patronage of Iran like any other opportunist doesn‚t mind to play in the hands of Zarqawi if Iran faces any pressure from the west on its covert nuclear activity. It is a typical grand coalition of 'thugs‚ where political aims become more important than blood of the supporters. Zarqawi the murderer of Shiites becomes the political ally of sorts in the rejection of constitution and continuation of violence. Mercurial Sadr provides Iran with 'fire and fodder‚ whereas pragmatic Hakim although with strong ties with Iran tries to steer away from Qom influence.

Iran uses her influence in the Shiite south to take the pressure off her from global community; Iran was relatively successful as the Europeans nearly backed off from the UNSC reference. With this sensitive background, a call from Sistani of 'no‚ would have destroyed any hope of a federal Iraq. Now the possibility of majority 'Yes‚ vote has increased, this call followed by main stream 'Shiite‚ political party is most inopportune as far as Iranian interests are concerned.

Iran would like peace in the Iraq but would definitely akin to extract some serious concessions on its covert nuclear activities. Iranian clergy believes that if Pakistan succeeded in obtaining political leverage through Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, why Iran couldn‚t utilize the present chaos in Iraq to pull a similar victory. The Mullahs fail to realize that they are signatories of non-proliferation treaty and their one-upmanship of global Jihad instead of being an ally of the west makes them most inappropriate to be trusted with something as serious as nukes.

Scratching the wounds a little deeper, it is actually Sistani and Sadr who are fighting for the heart and soul of Shiite mainstream sympathies; it is Sistani who has emerged as winner and has emerged as the grandest of the Ayatollahs that has the power to incite popular resistance.

At the heart of schism lies reluctance of seminary of Najaf to get involved in worldly affairs -- in essence al-Hawzah al-'Ilmiyyah in Najaf wants to shield the highest Shi'ite religious leadership, the marjaiyya, from politics - this is an old tension within Shi'ite Islam between two conflicting tendencies, quietism and activism. Qom is worried to face a challenge over the concept of the Velayat-e-Faqih - the God-given authority for a top religious leader to oversee secular in the absence of the Prophet Mohammad and infallible imams. The Najaf seminary's view of the Velayat-e-Faqih is that of a supervisor and adviser.

The Qom school believes the opposite, with Iran's supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, officially considered as the highest religious authority of the world's Shias. Qom sees the direct involvement of clerics in state ruling and executive affairs as their legitimate right and moral obligation. For the world, separation of church from government is the perfect solution. The present clash of Qom and Najaf impinge on supremacy of Shiite Islam, success of a quietist Ali Sistani over zealots mullahs of Teheran will help reduce a lot of tensions in eastern Saudi Arabia. The ideological akhbari nature of Shiite south will lead to resurgence of 'quietism‚ in Iraq.

This call of 'Yes' vote from Sistani is a clear divergence from 'Iranian influence' this is as big and no less than the show of great restraint last year. After disgraceful militia, activity in the south in collusion with Basra police where two SAS agents investigating Police involvements in certain infiltration by the insurgents, the call is significantly important to save Iraq from a political impasse. The 'Iranian‚ instigated upspring at the 'Tomb of Imam Ali' by the Sadr rebels was a blatant attempt to rob Sistani of its hardcore support, by showing Sistani soft on resistance Sadr purpose was to build a momentum that would lead to popular mass uprising those intentions did not materialize.

Sistani call to "mass popular uprising for peace" was a de-facto call for Sadr withdrawal, that Sistani achieved very ingeniously, someone who is not even a born Iraqi to accomplish this ideological following in Iraq is matchless. This was a major victory of the al-Hawzah al-'Ilmiyyah and the marjaiyya in Najaf over that of Ayatollahs of Qom, that may not have been the last one too, in political pragmatism it is clear that Sistani keeps his cards very close his chest, when he decides to play he plays them well too.