Neither the US nor heroes topple this despised Islamic regime in Iran. People with their raised fists, roars, and red blood need to be organised to crush this regime. Only thanks to an organised movement freedom will come.
The lack of such an organised movement has left the arena for the IRI for further bloodshed. Millions of chests are ready to confront the enemy, but bullets of mercenaries are loud and suffocate voice of freedom.
Unfortunately, the worst-ever conditions of our people have not enough stimulated responsible reactions among all activists on how to form such a national movement to free the country from the plague of the IRI.
Sadly, yet the people of Iran must wait; such a movement remains as a dream.Such a movement should simply be formed without nonsense delay. It should learn from all experiences of all peoples how to free the country. It should realistically use any tactical method and independently use any international assistance to hasten the fall of the IRI.
Its strategy consists of forming a democratically elected new state in Iran, in which all political authorities will be directly elected by people. Such authorities must be secular and democrat; their political background must be clean with no ties or sympathy for the last two dictatorial regimes. They should oath to unconditionally respect Human Rights and democracy; they should be competent and independent–our people’s interests should never be bargained by whims of key powers.
Our society will no more be a lab of any ideological experiment. National state will be be the fruit of Iranian people’s struggles for freedom from any dictatorial regime for ever; our people will never bow to any ideology or religion of submission.
An Iranian democratic movement should immediately present its programme after the fall of the IRI. The programme must contain effective solutions to free the country from the long yoke of backwardness and dictatorship.
It is to explain how to prepare the conditions for unconditional democracy, social justice, gender equality, development of national economy, rehabilitation of an Iranian identity, reviving of art and culture, negation of Islam as state religion, elimination of all religious institutions, removal of all religious influence from education, judiciary, and all aspects of social life.
Any new regime after the IRI is expected to bring all criminals of the IRI and their collaborators before an international court for their crimes against humanity. However, we should not ignore the fact that the essence of such a process is not the individual punishment but the rehabilitation of our country. As such, the process should emphasise:
No Iranian woman is half that of a man, no Iranian can be punished for his political or religious belief, no dungeons, no torture, d no political prison can be anymore tolerated, no amputation, no stoning, no lashing, or no human humiliation will ever be permitted.
By condemning the medieval belief system, such a process will mainly contribute a lesson to our history, a return to our civilised past.
As we know, the key powers are traditionally interested in the economic gains. The EU still ignores that their barrels of Iranian oil cost many lives in the hands of Islamists’ squad deaths. Russia and China have not yet learnt Human Rights and moral politics. The US, despite rhetoric of regime change, can be satisfied with some reforms by and within the regime. An Iranian democratic movement should not rely on any foreign agenda.
US conflicts with the IRI have nothing to do that the IRI is trampling democracy and Human Rights in Iran, but because of stirring sectarian conflicts in Iraq, and its atom ambitions which can be a future ganger for Israel.
All these accusations are true of Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and many other allies of the US. The US have already found compromises with any dictatorial regime in the past. This can be also true with the IRI. For the matter of fact, if today the bellicose IRI refuses to enrich uranium for its nuclear programme and does not disturb the US in Iraq, a “regime change” will not be necessary taken into consideration.
With or without the IRI, the US want to advance their strategy in the region.In the highest probability, their “regime change” can mean a replacement of another IRI’s faction–they might have already found or will find new allies within the IRI for such a change, à la military coups of Muslim generals in Pakistan or an Iraqi model of a Shiite-based government.
In some critical conditions, and under pressure of a chain of crises, the ruling IRI can be divided into several cliques and factions. The ruling apparatus may even seek for handles with inner or outer interlocutors. A democratic movement should avoid accepting any variation which keeps the IR or one of its Islamic factions in power.
The fact that a nuclear Iranian regime will have greater bargaining power to use as a lever to intensify its dictatorship must be recognised; therefore an Iranian intelligent movement should take part in any international campaign against the IRI’s nuclear ambitions. However, it should not be forgotten that the greatest danger is not the regime’s nuclear programme but its existence itself.
What practically can be used from this conflict is to internationally isolate the regime. Therefore, an Iranian democratic movement, beside of condemning IRI’s nuclear programme, should always put the priority on the question of defending the basic rights of people which cannot be guaranteed under IRI’s existence.
The nuclear conflict is intentionally propagated by the IRI to mask its totalitarian character; it is a cover-up for to associate its parasitic existence with the “natinal”right of having a nuclear programme for the “peaceful” cause of the nation.
No stone must be left unturned, the IRI cannot legally be forced to give up the right of nuclear programme–the country is expressly allowed as a signatory to the Non-Proliferation Treaty. This also included enrichment of uranium.
It is wrong to reduce the whole legitimacy of the IRI to the right of atom, for Iranians the problem is the existence of the IRI itself with or without this conflict. In the nuclear dispute, both the IRI and the US are adding fuel to the flames and making all nonsense of assertions to attempt a dangerous escalation. This is however not our main problem, one should argue that the IRI is a totalitarian regime with a capacity of thousands of brainwashed jihadi who can blow up any “enemy” of God. So, nuclear technology in the hands of such Islamists means a new weapon for jihadis; only because of this jihadi character, a nuclear arsenal should not fall into the hands of IRI’s seniors.
Nevertheless, there are no military solutions to atom ambitions of the IRI. Neither economic sanction can solve the problem. Not only these are highly immoral, but also counterproductive and even exacerbate both Mullahs’ mafia and repression in Iran.
The IRI must be internationally isolated, all diplomatic, and sport contacts with it must be suspended. All foreign accounts of IRI’s officials must be frozen. Their mafia activities in the Persian Gulf and around Iran must be internationally under controlled.
International mandates must be issued against IRI’s officials for their crimes against humanity. So, there are many other sanctions that can be proposed on IRI’s officials, but neither military nor economic sanctions must be accepted.
The outstanding point is the illegitimacy of the IRI: it is illegitimate because its Supreme Leader is an unelected instance, and its repressive organs permanently violate Human Rights. Therefore, the UN and the Council of Europe must be demanded to approve resolutions which put the IRI and the political Islam on an equal status of fascist, racist, and criminal organisations. Such resolutions are not beyond judicial facts, but legal contributions to elaborating a charter of principles for the totalitarian IRI.
In the meanwhile, such an Iranian democratic movement, once formed, must try to represent Iranian people in the UN as the only legitimate delegation of people.
In short, although a common platform is difficult to all opposition groups, but at least such a movement must respond to the following four major aspirations of most Iranian people:
-Organising and leading Iranian people’s struggles to sweep away the IRI and all its Islamic relics, institutions, and suppressive organs.
-Forming a temporary government to organise a constitutional assembly for a new constitution. The new constitution is only legal when it is approved by the majority of people in a referendum supervised by the international inspectors.
-Preparing conditions as short as possible for a democratically elected parliament and government based on the right that people can elect and dismiss all key authorities.
– Transferring the power to the hands of the new government without monopolising or influencing the political apparatus.
