I have known .
In the past, Iranian women’s movement(s) have been initiated by the elite women- either educated, wealthy or attached to the political system. To the contrary, these campaigns are grass-roots with transnational ties. In your view, what are the reasons behind such innovations in the strategies of women’s movement in Iran today? Why are they facing imprisonment and even lashing?
The number of educated women in Iran is rising rapidly and these women have higher expectations of their lives than older generations. This is the age of information, which is the best side of globalization; women learn more and more about the rights they don’t have through the Internet and TV satellites. And with many Iranian women activists and academics in diaspora there is a strong communication bridge between the women in Iran and the feminist movements in other countries.
With the current systematic abuse of women’s rights, the grounds are ready for women’s serious objection to the status quo and the time is ripe for organized movement. This is because women are especially unhappy about the Family Law and their lack of rights to divorce and child custody. The One Million Signature Campaign is successful because it is happening at the right time with the right strategy. The strategy is the result of experiences including trials and errors in the past. This campaign formulates core legal demands of women and is spreading among different factions of society in various cities in Iran. Demonstration is not used as a campaign tool. The campaign activists work persistently and avoid making noise in the streets. One strong point of this campaign is that it emphasizes on its non-political nature and states that its demands are not anti-religion. The activists have recently started low profile lobbying with some sources of religious and political powers as well.
This campaign is grassroots in the sense that these women, as you mentioned, have no ties to the political establishment or other sources of power in the society. It has the potential of growing into a widespread grassroots movement in the Iranian society and perhaps this is why the government is considering it a threat to its legal system. If women succeed to change the Islamic law of divorce, they can change the law of stoning, child custody, inheritance, and other laws that are designed to keep women under strict control of the men. Soon, women would be in control of their own bodies and sexualities and pose major issues to fundamentalism. Although many Muslims believe that women’s rights are not contrary to Islamic rulings, fundamentalists believe otherwise and are trying to diminish it.
Another reason for the harsh treatment of women’s rights activists is the current political condition. The US continues to threaten the state and sovereignty of Iran, and the government is doing its best to counter any possibility of uprising in case the US threats turn into action.
What has been the greatest challenge for you in your work with activists in Iran? How has this experience changed you personally and professionally?
There are challenges and there are rewards, of course. A great challenge has been the different work cultures. In Iran, for example, personal qualities, ambitions, and relations define the project, the work environment, and even impact the results. Professional conduct is neither well defined nor appreciated. In addition, since the project is defined and initiated in Iran, the individuals who reside in Iran have a pivotal role in defining the project, its strategies, and its tactics. This is due to the fact that they must face the consequences and possible persecution and their safety should be considered in all aspects of the work. This would lead to an invisible power hierarchy among the volunteers based on their geographical location. Missing the details of everyday life in Iran and face-to-face meetings contribute to the hierarchy.
How I have changed: well, I have learned that I should respect different work ethics and expect others to do the same in all working environments, including volunteer projects. I cannot blame others for not acting professionally when such behavior has been accepted by me at the time. Principles, however, as minor as they may be, should not be neglected for any goal, no matter how major.
Reflecting on the social movements during the previous regime, what do you think has changed? Why?
I think the movements during the previous regime had more of a political than social agenda. There is now strong social movements by women as the post-revolutionary conditions are changing the economic, social and political landscape of the country. They are not organized and have no leaders. There are activists, intellectuals and academics who are raising their voices against the systemic discrimination and violence against women. Considering the past movements, I think we bear the legacy and see similarities. The activists and intellectuals are not representing the body of the movement and lack the public support as it was the case with the left political movement in the previous era. There was no lobbying with the officials and no direct addressing of the demands. Recently, there have been signs of change. The One Million Signature Campaign is gradually penetrating into the society. Women activists have written a letter to the parliament representatives objecting the proposed Family Protection Bill. Iranian secular activists have inherited the opposition style struggle of leftist movements in the past. The oppression by the regime makes the situation even more difficult. It takes time for the women’s movement to get organized, articulate its demands, and define its own strategies without budging to the left or right.
How can interested individuals reading this interview contribute to women’s movements in Iran?
I believe the most effective contribution by people living abroad has been analyzing and writing about the issues of women in Iran. In addition, many individuals have been active in drawing international attention to the Iranian women’s issues. Bringing the world attention to the stoning issue is what we did successfully in the Stop Stoning Forever campaign. As a result, four people were saved from stoning, and stoning is now a subject of public debate and no longer a secretive practice.
Social theories and movements cannot be exported or imported, but the tools for understanding the political aspects of personal issues and analyzing social phenomena can be shared. The terminology invented and applied by feminism, such as “domestic violence”, “bodily integrity”, and “gender mainstreaming” are examples of the tools used to describe women’s rights, analyze social phenomena and mobilize women and public in general to change the status quo. An effective way of contributing to women’s movements in Iran is to bridge the communication gap between Iranian women and western feminist movements. The language barrier impedes the transfer of knowledge and sharing of experiences. The number of women activists who can read English and participate in international symposiums and conferences is very small. By writing, translating and sharing stories of women’s experiences in the west, we can provide some of the needed aforementioned tools that have already been invented by women in the west and pave the road for women in Iran to invent their new tools and define their theory and practice of feminist movement. Similarly, we can bring the stories of women in Iran, their issues and struggles, to the western audience.
If there is anything I have not asked about and you would like to add, please do. Thank you for your time.
It is important that we view women’s rights as human rights and make a conscience effort to tie the two movements together. Objection to stoning and execution of women cannot be accompanied with silence towards the execution of minors. Any gross violations of human rights by the Iranian regime prepare the grounds for an increase in violation of women’s rights. I appreciate the opportunity to voice my views.
