Friday
July 20, 2001
* Desire without action
In response to letters by Messrs. Mahdi and Saffari-Fard ["Generalizing &
pontificating", "Why
people choose to go back"] about my article, "Stop
hallucinating":
* The news from Iran highlights the magnitude of the drug problem in
Iran. I am not sure which one of these news sources are "sworn enemies
of the Islamic Republic" or "sworn lovers" but a reasonable
reader ought to be able to extrapolate the magnitude of the problem. My
apologies for misquoting a figure of 10% - estimates below are between 1
million and 10% (and both growing) - therefore I should have mentioned the
figure of 5% as a safe median. Even at 5%, there would be more than 3 million
addicts - a very alarming figure. Again my apologies are due if this "misrepresents
Iran and Iranians" since it seems, as more often than not, we are evading
the problem and concerning ourselves more so with "aabeh-roo"
and "hay-siiat" and the insult to our collective "gheyrat".
* The writer of the letter is alarmed by the "the ease with which
many generalize, pontificate, and exaggerate". The populations of Iranians
in USA, Canada, Australia and parts of Western Europe are at a level where
they can get actively involved in their local communities and have an influence
on the local policies and can greatly benefit the Iranian people, and as
such, it is appropriate to request the Iranians to group and unite in said
causes. The same, as the writer correctly points out, can not be said of
many other Iranians elsewhere in the world. However, it may help to consider
the nations whose policies may effect Iran more so than others. It is obvious
that the policies of G-7 (and similar) countries are far more significant
to Iran than those of Turkey, Syria, and Lebanon. Barring military attacks
by the likes of Iraq or a neighbor like Turkey, Iran and Iranian people
are far more affected by G-7-like policies than the decisions of the Lebanese
and Syrian Governments. Therefore as an Iranian resident/citizen of a G-7
country (and others like Australia), it is far more beneficial to the people
of Iran if one actually DOES something (i.e. TAKE ACTION) versus dream/think
endlessly to no avail.
* The comment "For some of us living with our family or living where
we can visit them as often as we want is worth lot more than you can ever
imagine" begs the question of why the author then is not willing to
go back and live close to his family? There are certain factions of the
population, who due to political problems, may not consider it safe to live
in Iran. What about the rest? What about the writer? Tucked safely in (based
on his return email address) Research Triangle Park, North Carolina, USA
the author seems offended by the notion that he is living away from Iran
and presumably his family. I do not recall arguing with the devotion and
closeness to families. As he correctly mentions, that is pretty much a "given"
and the base of our strength. But again, the same family (and other families)
will benefit from your action in your "adopted" home country far
more than incessant "ghosseh", "aarezoohaayeh bar-baad-rafteh"
and "aah keshidan".
It is not that I do not understand the desire to go back. It is the perceived
desire without any action that ties up positive energy. Energy that can
be put to work and used effectively to help Iran and Iranians. (See
replies from Saffari and Mahdi below)
Respectfully,
Aref Erfani
* I have done my part
Dear Mr. Erfani, ["Perceived desire without action"]
I too, thank you for taking time to respond to my comment on your opinion
piece ["Stop
hallucinating"]. As I recall, I had respectfully requested that
you refrain using collective term in your writing on the issues that would
impact Iranians as whole. In you piece, you had used every conceivable arguments
ranging from political, economical and social issues to establish the point
that people shouldn't romanticized the idea of returning home because it
diminished their positive energy. In support of your argument, you went
as far as mentioning the length of your stay in U.S. to make it more convincing.
I personally found your argument very much self serving.
Your point of "forward movement outside Iran can tremendously benefit
the people of Iran in the long term", begs the following question which
I hope you will be able to answer. What if, the majority of professors,
doctors and intellectuals who are fundamentally important in the growth
of a society would listen to your suggestion and decide to leave Iran at
once? Then, would you still use your factious argument if your parents,
siblings or some one that you love need to have surgery and is told that
the specialist has left the country to seek a better life outside Iran?
As your questioning why I have chosen to stay in this country despite
my intense passion for Iran, you would perhaps not be able to grasp the
Idea, if I inform you that I was one of the few professors who went to teach
in 1991 at the Abadan Institute of Technology in Abadan. Where I would walk
in a dirt road every morning to go to university and do what I was trained
to do In U.S. to educate the improvised and war stricken people of the region.
Where, the conditions of life was so primitive that very one would ask me
why I had decided to leave U.S. and return to Abadan.
You see, not everyone romanticiz about Iran. There are those of us who
take an action and choose to go where most people would not even dare to
dream about. At least, I can claim that I have done part of my duty if not
all to Iran and to Iranians by selecting to teach in a region of Iran that
is least attractive and most rewarding. There are those of us who are not
driven by the economical promises of the west or shortage of water because
we think about those who need us in Iran.
Abbas F. Saffari
Scientist
* Be careful with facts
Dear Mr. Erfani, ["Perceived desire without action"]
Thank you for taking time to reply to my comment ["Generalizing
& pontificating"] on your article ["Stop
hallucinating"]. It is nice of you to provide me the opportunity
to read your reaction before its publication. I also appreciate snippets
and links you have provided in your defense of 10% drug addicts in Iran.
I had no intention of underestimating the drug problem in Iran. Your
point regarding this social problem in Iran is well taken. My point was
and still is that we need to be careful with numbers and facts. We cannot
exaggerate, stretch, or even massage them in order to make a point. If we
use them accurately, they provide us enough ammunition for our arguments,
theses, and theories.
No one denies that Iran has serious drug problems. I am not ashamed of
saying it loudly and publicly. I have done so in many of my interviews with
various radios and in some of my relevant writings. This is a fact and not
a matter of personal or "collective gheyrat," as you put it.
My reference to your 10%, as well as "generalization," had
to do with accuracy and representation. Even in your response, you still
take a casual approach to the matter and say: "estimates ... are between
1 million and 10% (and both growing) - therefore I should have mentioned
the figure of 5% as a safe median. Even at 5%, there would be more than
3 million addicts - a very alarming figure."
Alarming, indeed. Accurate? No! If you read one of the sources you have
quoted, it says that "Some recent surveys have placed the number of
drug abusers closer to 3 million -- nearly 5 percent of Iran's 63 million
people. Estimates leap to nearly 10 percent of the population in some cities
along major drug trafficking routes." As you see, 10% is a reference
to the possible number of addicts to the population in some major cities
along drug trafficking routes and not to the population of Iran.
I support your call for getting Iranians involved in their local communities
and doing something to positively affect their host countries' policies
toward Iran. That is great and I hope we do it in a way that it does not
misrepresent "facts" about us.
Regards,
Ali Akbar Mahdi
* Bi ehsasi
Aghaye Khorsandi, ["Leila
Pahlavi beh faarsiye saadeh"]
Dorost ast keh shoma yek nevisandeh (tanz nevis)-e herfeh-ee hastid,
digar farsi-zabanan ham zaban haalishan ast - va jaaye shoma nist keh hameh
ra tamaskhor bekonid.
Va amma dar ertebat ba neveshteh-ye ghablitan reje` be Leila Pahlavi
["Gozaaresh"],
asle e-traze mardom bekhatere entekhabe bijaye "mozoo"-e shoma
bood, va bi tavajjohi-o bi ehsasi shoma nesbat be andoohe khanevadeh-ye
on javane bigonah bood.
Agar shoma in ra nemifahmid, digar che bayad goft? Zemnan shoma az koja
midanid keh mardom bemonasebate dargozashte pedar va madar-bozorge Leila
che payamhaee ferestadeand? Aya shoma alaveh bar loghaz-khani, afkare mardom
ra ham mikhanid?
Be omide inkeh az in eshtebahetan darsi aamookhteh bashid.
M. Beheshti
* Refusing help
I agree with Ms. Sabety that Sir Alfred Mehran is another example of
displacement in our time ["Aym
not eeraaniyan"]. In his case, he might be better viewed as a case
of displacement by a revolution which displaced, misplaced, and replaced
many many more. However, I believe Sir Alfred's life reflects an intentional
trajectory much better understood in the context of his own ideas, ideals,
behaviors, and attitudes.
Ms. Sabety writes: "I thought of how shameful it was that we, Iranians
abroad, had not taken care of Sir Alfred." Well, the question is: Did
Sir Alfred wished Iranians help him? I do not know how many Iranians have
tried to follow his case but I know very well that his story was regularly
covered in the Iran Times throughout the decade and I followed it
very carefully.
In fact, I myself tried to visit this gentleman twice in the past decade.
As indicated by this documentary and Ms. Sabety reports, he refused to talk
to another Iranian. On both occasions, I went all around the airport trying
to find him in order to learn of his case. In the first encounter, when
I greeted him in Persian, he refused to answer and moved away.
In the second encounter two years later, he was sitting in a chair and
reading a newspaper. I strategized approaching him by sitting next to him
while talking loudly to myself "Let's talk with this fellow Iranian
for a while." He simply ignored me and pretended that he either did
not hear or understand me!
I am sure other Iranians have approached him in similar ways. It is possible
that he did not want any Iranian shower him with questions, sympathy, pity,
criticism, advice, etc. He might have been tired of them. But if it has
been his intention to be someone else, as Ms. Sabety reports from this documentary,
then it is easy to understand why he would not welcome any Iranian acquaintance,
assistance, and attention. Such an avoidance seems intentional and in line
with his strategy to secure legal status in a country different than his
place of birth.
What can Iranians do with people who avoid even acknowledging their Iranianess
or refuse any help from other Iranians?
During my graduate years, I took a course in which another Iranian was
enrolled. One day I greeted him in Persian. He responded in English acknowledging
himself as an Egyptian! I had seen his name on the university's official
list of Iranians and knew he was an Iranian. I asked about him from several
other Iranians living in the university's married housing. They all confirmed
that he was Iranian but refused to talk or interact with other Iranians!
Several months later, we learned of a major medical problem in his family.
We all were afraid to step forward because he continued to deny us as people
worthy of interacting with. Why? I am sure he had his reasons and it was
not our business to interfere with his life. But, such a refusal was intentional
and no one could have been blamed for not embracing him as an Iranian fellow
at a time of need.
It seems Sir Alfred's case falls into this category! He made his own
choice and Iranians should not be blamed for not reaching out to him or
helping him out of his long and painful ordeal.
Ali Akbar Mahdi
* Traitors
I remember I was fourteen-years olfd and living in Washington D.C. in
July 1988, towards the end of the Iran-Iraq War. At this time our brave
young soldiers had been fighting the violent and evil intentions of the
Arab world, combined with the cruel rule of the Islamic regime for eight
bloody years.
Against all odds, they had fought and reclaimed every inch of our homeland
that was violated by the invading Iraqi army. In the summer of 1988, Iraqi
forces, combined with direct military assistance from the United States
had been able to secure a couple of victories against our outnumbered and
under-armed fighters.
The one image that I will never forget, or allow myself to forget is
the image of Mojahed traitors posing for foreign news crews while they were
standing on top of murdered Iranian soldiers after they had captured the
town of Mehran, along with the invading Iraqis. Right, then I knew that
this was the worst crime committed against Iran. This cowardly act was worse
than anything ever done by the Iraqis. ["Burning
eyes"]
Let this be known to these so-called "freedom fighters": You
are no different than the mafia-like regime that is ruling our country now
and you will never have a place in the political future of our country.
The only regret that I felt while reading your article was that the way
you died fighting along side Arab murderers and rapists, was this did not
happen to more of you cowards.
IR
* "Fools" voted for Khatami?
The same Iranians and youth you refer to as being "smart enough"
not to be "fooled" by Khatami are the ones who voted for Khatami,
unless you also want to deny that the elections actually occurred. So are
they "fools" or not? ["Nothing
peaceful about Khatami's policies"]
And so far, who has accomplished more: the reformists, or the "rejectionists"
like you who have been acting hand-in-glove with the hardliners in attacking
the reformists and who oh-so-bitterly dismiss the massive election participation
and the obvious enthusiasm of Iranians for gradualist reforms (as well as
Khatami) as merely a "pantomine"?
Yes, you are right - these people are not fools - so why insist that
they were participating in a "pantomime" just because you don't
the results? You may not like Khatami, or the fact that this is the road
chosen by Iranians, and you may instead have hoped for a boycott, thinking
that it would delegitimize the system.
This is the "either us or no one" mentality which is only destructive,
but it is your right to have that opinion. But at least have some respect
for the people who voted, and stop harping on them or dismissing them as
fools who are so easily misled by "pantomimes".
J. Mohammadi
* In a heartbeat
In response to the letter regarding Nooneh's
stories ["Sexless
Nooneh"]:
I am an Iranian man, and I would marry this lady in a heartbeat. This
goes for all the chauvanistic, macho Iranian males and the Iranian girls
who pretend to be virgin's even though "we all know" most of them
are sleeping around as much as non-Iranian girls.
To Nooneh: Keep on being yourself.
Luv,
Ali
* Typical Iranian mard-saalaari
What is up with this "Sexless
Nooneh"? bad az ye omrii ye khaanoom iraani harfe delesho mizane
(oon ham be onvaane short stories) and mr. typical Iranian man does his
regular routine? Is this what it is? I do understand Azadiye bayaan, but
this is typical Iranian mard-saalaari va inke zan haghe inke harfe delesho
bezane, nadaare, and I do not have to take that anymore, nor does anyone
else.
Best regards,
Leila
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