SATIRE

The first half of the 20th century minus the Reza Shah period is unique in the whole history of Persian literature in the amount of satire, lampoons and invectives which were published largely though not entirely through the press, and usually with a political motive. It was characteristic of Iranian history that the fall of an arbitrary state, often even the death of a ruler, led to division and chaos. The first quarter of the twentieth century was a period of revolution, chaos and coup. And in the period after the fall of Reza Shah up to the 1953 coup, chaos was resumed and was once again accompanied by licentious journalism and pamphleteering.

Lampoons, invectives and the use of obscene language in Persian poetry, and sometimes in anecdotal prose such as those of Obeid Zakani, date back at least to the 12th century. Sometimes it was done for fun; sometimes for private vengeance; sometimes on behalf of a patron for castigating his enemy; sometimes blatantly to obtain money from the victim. Sana’i Ghaznavi, Adib-e Saber, Rashid al-Din Vatvat, Anvari Abivardi, Suzani Samarqandi and Khaqani Shervani are some of the most renowned examples in a long line of poets, which in the 19th century ends up with Yaghma-ye Jandaqi and Qa’ani Shirazi. Yaghma once described, not just the human race but all the living creatures as mother-fuckers, though the Persian term he used was zan-qahbeh. Qa’ani returned his compliments by describing him as the chief mother-fucker of all.

During the constitutional revolution modern and progressive prose and poetry went public and with it the use of poisonous satires and scathing lampoons, though for a time they just stopped short of using obscene language. E. G. Browne was the first observer to capture the emerging union of the press and public with political poetry, although he did not expose much of the poetry and none of the prose that was particularly vehement and scathing. By the end of World War I and in the early 1920s explicit obscenity also entered the verbal armoury of public conflict. In 1919 Aref Qazvini being livid with Vosuq al-Dawleh’s conclusion of the Anglo-Iranian agreement, described him as one the door of whose house is open to whores, while out of doors his wife is busy turning men into whore-mongers.

Politics itself was new. By the turn of the century they did not yet have a Persian term for it so they habitually applied the term polteek, which was a corruption of the French word politique. It was later that they used the term ‘Siyasat’, which did exist in Persian but had had other meanings. Politics was new, but so were the modern political press and the application of poetry, including scathing or obscene poetry, to public discourse. Advanced prose and poetry were no longer confined to the elite or the private sphere; on the contrary they made up much of the emerging public sphere which included growing discussions of private parts in public. Sa’di once said in a tale of an angry man’s invectives against all and sundry that ‘He left on-one’s mother and daughter untouched’. Indeed they left no-one’s mother, wife and daughter untouched.

Regarding mothers, the favourite target in the years 1907 and 1908 was the mother of Mohammad Ali Shah. She was a daughter of Amir Nezam Farahani, Amir Kabir, who had married her cousin, the late shah. It is not well known that Mohammad Ali was both a grandson of Naser al-Din Shah and Amir Kabir. Nor did the radicals who accused his mother of infidelity mention that fact. The unfortunate woman’s title was Ommol-Khaqan, which literally means the emperor’s mother. The radical constitutionalists, virtually all of them belonging to the Democrat party, kept referring to Mohammad Ali as the son of Ommol-Khaqan, obviously meaning that he was not his father’s son.

The newspapers, Sur-e Esrafil and Mosavat, though not of the same standard, led the radical press in defence of a liberty which often looked more like licence. Kasravi the moralist had the better of Kasravi the revolutionary when he wrote in his history of the Constitutional Revolution that if among the ‘freedom-seekers’ one person deserved to be killed, it was Seyyed Mohammad Reza Shirazi, editor of the newspaper Mosavat. When he was sent a writ of summons from the court to account for some of the libels he published he tore it up and made fun of the court in his newspaper.[1]

Dehakhoda is everybody’s darling for his famous ‘charand parand’ column in the newspaper Sur-e Esrafil. He displayed unrivalled talent both in inventing a fresh and fine simple prose and for writing highly effective political satire. But what he wrote was often scathing and sometimes libellous. This is what earned him the reproach of Abdorrahim Talebof and, later, E. G. Browne. He addressed one piece to Adam Smith whom he described as ‘the father of political economy’. He said that Smith had been wrong in identifying nature, labour and capital as the three factors of production, because in that case the shah would have no way of increasing his wealth. The shah does not work, he went on to explain, his nature does not function well ever since he has been taking an opium tablet every night, and he has no capital. Would he then not be able to increase his wealth? He would, Dehkhoda went on to say, by holding a circumcision ceremony for the boy heir-designate, and collect the pishkeshes that courtiers and notables would be obliged to bring on such an auspicious occasion.[2]

In another piece he wrote a letter, as if addressed by the shah to the Swiss parliament. In it the shah is made to address the Swiss parliament as ‘his exalted excellency the parliament of Switzerland’, ask the parliament to arrest all the Iranian dissidents in ‘his’ realm and have them bastinadoed, and end by saying that the letter is accompanied by a royal gown, a khal’at, to show the shah’s appreciation of his, i.e., the parliament’s, services.[3]

In yet another article Dehkhoda managed even to over-reach himself. He wrote that since he had stopped his column in Sur-e Esrafil lately he was about to be sick, because as the Persian expression has it, ‘stopping a habit results in sickness’. And he went on to add that he would have got ill, just as Fath’ali Shah would have done if every day he did not lie with his back down beneath the slide in the Negaristan Palace, alluding to the legend that this Fath’ali did naked every day so that his wives would slide down naked over him. He would have got ill, he went on to add, just as Naser al-Din Shah would have been unwell if he did not pay a visit to his sister-in-law every day. He would have got ill, just as Naser al-Din Shah’s mother would have done if now and again she had not disguised herself to look like maid servants and chat with the royal guards. He would have got ill, if Mohammad Ali Shah’s mother who was married to Hajj Nasir al-Saltaneh, did not meet her lover every night. And finally, he would have got ill, just like the shah himself would be, if he did not see his aunt Taj al-Saltaneh every day.[4]

Seyyed Ashraf was vehement in dealing with the shah, the reactionaries and opponents of constitutionalism, but stopped short of Dehkhoda in his personal attacks. Still, he was scathing enough. He described Sheikh Fazlollah Nuri of putting his faith on sale and destroying the dignity of Muslim people:

I am the enemy of the freedom party [the Sheikh is made to say]

I am the murderer of all the freedom-lovers

I am Sheikh Fazlollah the pawn-broker

I am selling religion in the bazaar…

-Religion I must put on sale

Come buyers, sale, sale![5]

And in another poem:

So long as the sheikh is funny in the head…

So long as the old guide is drunk and giddy

So long as this geezer is in charge

-This caravan will be lame till doomsday.

So long as the person in charge is an arbitrary ruler

So long as there is a natural inclination to division

So long as the people are against the shah

So long as the shah helps the traitors

-This caravan will be lame till doomsday.[6]

Iraj Mirza who was not a typically political poet was nevertheless moved by the action of Sheikh Fazlollah in taking bast against the Majlis to write:

The Hojjat al-Islam smacks you

He clubs your head and brain

A big slapper is this champion

Look out or he’ll slap you

If he gets his hands on men who wear a tie

He would beat the fart of each of them by a stick

………………………………………..

Now in the shrine of Abdol’azim

The Sheikh is busy scheming

God willing in a couple of days

He would leave there and camp in Hell…[7]

Already in 1910 obscene language had begun to enter these public personal attacks. A lesser journalist who wished to intimidate the interior minister to pay him silence money described him as the ‘entered minister’. Unfortunately for the journalist the minister in question was Mirza Ahmad Qavam al-Saltaneh, a man far from likely to be intimidated by such tactics, who instead subjected him to a memorable private vengeance. This however did not deter the young, fiery and far from corrupt Mirzadeh-ye Eshqi to write in 1923: Tell Qavam for me, you are surely not an honourable man/ by what you did/ You shat on the head of every be-turbaned person / Didn’t you see it all?

The end of World War I and the conclusion of the 1919 Agreement led to an explosion of nationalist passions both in response to the influenza epidemic, famine and chaos, and to what was firmly believed to be the design to turn Iran into a British protectorate. I have already noted one of Aref’s poems against Vosuq al-Dawleh regarding this suspicion. It was of course not just poetry. The newspapers opposed to the 1919 agreement – that is, most of the papers published in Tehran with the exception of Seyyed Zia’s Ra’d and the semi-official newspaper Iran – were full of innuendos and sometimes libels against the government and its leading members. But most of the obscene language belonged to the nationalist poets. Farrokhi Yazdi said in a short poem that Nosrat al-Dawleh Firuz, the foreign minister, was busy in Europe selling off the motherland, looking for customers and being keener than Britain to deliver her to them. Eshqi addressed an obscene poem to Vosuq, the prime minister, saying that Iran was not his daddy’s property, was not the rent for his boyhood adventures, and was not the wages of his loose-laced daughter. Aref went overboard and described the entire Iranian people as asses:

…People of this lawless land are asses

By God both commoners and elite are asses

He who is the head of the ministers

I swear by the God of both worlds

Is a bigger ass than them all

In fact he is a stable-full of asses …

Sheikh, police chief and the police are all asses

Wife, children and companion, all asses…

From the bazaar to the street, asses

Village, town and country, all asses

Those wearing hats and turbans, all asses

Worker and laborer, certainly asses

The preacher on the pulpit is an ass

From the altar to the door, asses

And he ended this long poem with verses which could well be the subject of a separate study:

The Bolshevik is the divine guide to salvation

- Blessed be Mohammad and his people -

O’ Lenin, O’ angel of blessing

Take the trouble if you please

You may nest in the apple of my eye

Please step in, the home is yours.[8]

He wrote in another poem containing a general condemnation of his contemporaries:

The shah, minister, deputy, governor

All of them are bribe-takers and bribe-eaters

People, conscience-less, hypercritical and cowardly

They are lackeys of foreigners with much patience …

The Majils is shameful, deputies, traitors and murderers

Government and cabinet are tainted

Damn the country of Jamshid and Keykavus

Damn the crown and the crowned father…[9]

The period between the 1921 coup and the fall of the Qajars in 1925 was one of intense power struggle between democrats and constitutionalists, on the one hand, and nationalists and modernists, on the other. Towards the end of the period, the body politic was divided between those for and those against dictatorship and Reza Khan, but in the first couple of years the situation was much less clear-cut. For example when Vahid Dastgerdi wrote a poem in praise of Reza Khan and incidentally attacked Eshqi and Aref, Eshqi wrote a reply in a qasideh, which also praised Reza Khan, but regarding Vahid left little to imagination;

O’ Vahid-e Dastgerdi, filthy-mouthed sheikh

Who call the filth of your mouth poetry

O’ louse-eating sheikh in torn-off rags

Who confuse poetry with the filth in your mouth

Your skin coat looks like the skin of a bear on a dog’s shoulder

Your garment looks like a shroud around a baboon

Your turban is like a turd covered with plaster

Go and look in the mirror if you do not believe me

Every word of yours is like a fart in the air

Your tongue in your mouth is like shit in a basin

They say you wrote a panegyric for Sardar- Sepah [Reza Khan]

By God Your eulogy for him is as good as disparagement

Although you wrote the panegyric for money

Say what you please, little fraud, and be fêted

But why did you say at the end of the eulogy

That Aref and Eshqi are ill-wishers of the motherland?

Do they take money from the British, as you say?

I spit on your face, O’ worthless maid of Sir Percy Loraine…[10]

At about the same time, Eshqi wrote a general condemnation of politics and politicians, but did not include Reza Khan. Its radif was ‘must be shat on’ (bayad rid):

From now on the motherland and its environs must be shat on

Such a Majlis and its high and low must be shat on

Truly if the gate of justice is this roof and gate (i.e. the Majlis)

Then such a justice and its wall and gate must be shat on

The one who has shat on Iran up to her waist

In retribution, up to his waist it must be shat on

If the father of this nation is this bastard (i.e. Ahmad Shah)

Then the nation and the soul of her father must be shat on…[11]

At the close of the fourth Majlis in 1923, both Aref and Eshqi were still pro-Reza Khan, which Aref was to remain but Eshqi was to renounce and be assassinated in the process. When the fourth Majlis ended, Eshqi wrote his infamous mosammat-e mostazad, leaving none of its members and other notables besides, wife or daughter:

This fourth Majils was a blot on humanity

Didn’t you see it all?

Whatever they did was loss upon loss

Didn’t you see it all?

Honestly was this fourth Majlis of any use?

By God it was all loss

Thank heaven that its life was transient

Didn’t you see it all?

No more will Modarres bellow and jump

In the Majlis hall

The jamboree of donkeys is now up

Didn’t you see it all?

Didn’t you see Modarres making an ass of the deputies

Wetting their bottoms

In the fourth Majlis male donkey was over male donkey

Didn’t you see it all?...

Shahzadeh-ye Firuz, that traitorous whore

With that jinn-like bearing of his

Was Curzon’s concubine and looked for lovers too

Didn’t you see it all?

Mohammad Vali Mirza who is Curzon’s sister-in-law

The whole point is this:

Like a mouse he was constantly trying to steal gold

Didn’t you see it all?..

The fount of baseness and god of turning coat

Mister Tadayyon

This wife-prostitute was worse than wife-whore Davar

Didn’t you see it all?...[12]

Conflict peaked early in 1924 when supporters of Reza Shah led the campaign for the abolition of Qajar monarchy and establishment of a republic. Disputes, arguments and invectives raged both inside and outside of the Majils. There were much mud-slinging, libels and labelling on both sides in the press, but, as usual, poetry was more potent than prose. On the anti-republican side – though they were anti-Reza Khan in fact – Eshqi and Poet Laureate Bahar took the field, although Aref was on the side of the birds. He wrote several poems and songs supporting the republican campaign and disparaging the Qajars. For example, he wrote in a ghazal:

After the catastrophe of the Qajars

The feast of republic is the finest festival

I am happy that the hand of nature

Put the lamp of the monarchy

In the window of wind, in the royal court...[13]

Eshqi and Bahar were not opposed to republicanism as such, as they made clear. But they realized that the move was intended to make Reza Khan a dictatorial president, as did the supporters of the campaign as well. They also believed that the plan was to declare a new Pahlavi dynasty, as in fact happened the next time round. Further than that, they were convinced along with many other opponents of the move that Britain was behind it, though in this they were mistaken.

Eshqi wrote a dramatic piece in his newspaper Qarn-e Bistom (Twentieth Century), in which the supreme leader (qa’ed) and symbol (mazhar) of republicanism sings his part first. Above the poem features the picture of a fierce looking man in military uniform, shadowed by John Bull, which holds a rifle in one hand a fistful of money in the other. He declares both that he is a big bully and that he must be excused since he is an agent of foreigners. Then there is a chorus one by one of pro-Reza Khan newspapers - all of them mentioned by name but also represented by various animals such as serpent, cat, mouse, etc. - confessing their loyalties to the great leader. For example, the mouse (i.e. the Kushesh newspaper) tells Reza Khan:

I am a little poor mouse, committed to you

I have been elated by your smile

In thieving and fraudulence, I am just like you

Let me get my just desert, just like you…[14]

Eshqi also wrote the long Masnavi based on the folk tale about a man called Yasi. He is a fraud who takes advantage of a simpleton and steals his syrup of dates (shireh) by leaning over the pot of syrup while mounted on a donkey. The poor simpleton is confused seeing the impression of the donkey’s hoofs on the ground, and that of Yasi’s hand in the syrup:

Our Yasi, my dear fellow

Is the venerable John Bull, i.e. Britain

Britain first tried to eat Iran like Yasi ate the syrup, by imposing the 1919 agreement. That did not work and she arranged a coup. But Seyyed Zia upset her design. This time she decided to use an indirect route and so put forward the idea of republicanism. Just like Yasi, she mounted the donkey to steal the syrup, the donkey’s republican hoofs showing on the ground and Britain’s hand, in the syrup’s pot, saying:

‘I shall make an ass of the republican people

And shall do worse than I have ever done before’

But the Iranians saw her trick and began to shout:

The hoofs of a republic the hand of Britain?

Police come, come, thief, thief!

What kind of red and blue flags are these?

People, this republic is a fraud!

Suddenly the people began to boo

The ass took fright and ran away

Neither with money nor by force did she succeed

The syrup remained, the geezer became a loser.[15]

As is clear from its ending, this long piece was written just after the collapse of the republican campaign. In the same issue of his newspaper, Eshqi wrote another dramatic piece in which the coffin of republicanism is being carried by its mourners. There is a picture of a coffin under which it is written ‘the corpse of the late fraudulent republic’, and some vultures are flying over it:

The vultures flew about the corpse

They beat their heads for this catastrophe

They beat their heads and breasts repeatedly

They put their hands in the gold in the coffin

They took their shares of the gold coins

-Alas, our republic was annihilated...[16]

These poems were open, vehement and insulting and were all published in the same and last issue of Eshqi’s newspaper. Shortly afterwards he was gunned down by two police agents in broad daylight.

In many ways the best poem against the republican campaign was the long mosammat entitled ‘The Republic Saga’ (Jomhurinameh). It was secretly circulated, was unsigned and was generally believed to have been the work of Eshqi; it too made a contribution to his assassination. In fact it was a product of collaboration between him and Poet Laureate Bahar, though out of the forty stanzas only four were written by Eshqi. ‘The Republic Saga’ is a satirical poem which describes, more or less faithfully, the campaign and its failure from the viewpoint of its opponents. It is both scathing and libellous but is nevertheless somewhat milder than many of its genre. It describes, using satire and irony, The activities of Seyyed Mohammad Tadayyon and his Tajaddod faction in the Majils, those of the remnants of Seyyed Zia’s old Iron Committee such as Adl al-Molk (Hosein Dadgar), the meetings addressed by orators such as Zia al-Va’ezin, the campaign organized by Dabir-e A’azam (Farajollah Khan Bahrami), Reza Khan’s chêf-de-cabinet, and finally the ultimatums issued to the Majils by some of his generals when it looked as if Reza Khan himself was about to fall in consequence of the failure of the campaign:

…When someone shows up in this land

Like the chivalrous Reza Khan

He gets surrounded by a few tramps

Who intend to spoil him

They tell him to remove the shah’s crown

And put it on your own head…

- Alas the long way and great suffering

At first we shall put out

Red revolutionary signs

That republic is a good idea

And after you become an elected president

We would say that this self-less man

Surely deserves to be shah…

- Alas the long way and great suffering

When Mr. [Ali] Dashti becomes a republican

His standard bearer would be the devil of a Rashti [Mirza Karim Khan]

Tadayyon, that insane old Mashdi

Sits every night in the entrance of his home (hashti)

Summons the riffraff up there

From cotton-whippers to pawn-brokers

- Alas the long way and great suffering

Listen to a tale about Adl al-Molk

That that tall and useless fellow

Has become the intermediary between shit and piss

He sometimes lends support to Tadayyon

And at other times gives helps Soleiman

To bring these two together

- Alas the long way and great suffering...

Rahnema has departed from Iran

To see to confidential matters

He has received unlimited moneys

And has haggled in Basra and Baghdad

For this wretched country to become a republic

It’s not just my word, he’s confessed to it

- Alas the long way and great suffering

Zia al-Vae’zin, that silly midget

Is constantly shouting for republic

What republic [?], I am surprised at him

Who seems to be unaware of the Bloke’s motive

That he wishes to succeed the Qajars

Just as did that man of the Afshars

- Alas the long way and great suffering

Dabir-e A’azam, that political rogue

Displays gratitude to the oil company

Kicking the constitution out of the way

By the use of soft diplomatic spells

He tells Sardar-Sepah emphatically

That declaring a republic is an easy task

- Alas the long way and great suffering:

This week Aref is putting on a show

With the support of the ministry of culture

It’ll be clear with a little expenditure

That republicanism has no opponent

It’ll be proven with the drum and the tar

That constitutionalism does not have a single supporter

I am mobilizing the newspapers

Shafaq, Golshan, Vatan, Kushesh, Setareh

There will be sensation at a stroke

It makes no more sense to be undecided

Just tomorrow there will be much noise

By the force of conferences, speeches and poems

- Alas the long way and great suffering

The idea has been approved by London

That quickly summoned Sir Percy Loraine

If Shumyatsky gets suspicious

I’ll send him that master fixer

That same duplicitous rogue

Karim-e Rashti that devil of a conjuror

- Alas the long way and great suffering

The day there were debating the change of the system in the Majlis, the poem goes on to relate in close detail, there was a clash between the people and Reza Khan’s soldiers in front of the Majlis gate in which Reza personally got involved. And inside, a pro-Reza Khan deputy slapped Seyyed Hasan Moadarres, the respected mojtahed and leader of opposition, in the face. This resulted in the bazaar going on strike and public demonstrations being held. The shah who was on a European tour then sent word to the Majlis to nominate someone else for premiership. Reza Khan resigned and left town. Then the provincial army commanders began to issue ultimatums to the Majlis that unless Reza Khan is reinstated they would march on Tehran. For example:

On instructions from the capital

General Ahmad Aqa sent telegrams

That the army of Loristan and others

Will relieve Reza Khan from the calamity

The army of the west would move soon

Towards the capital to punish freedom-lovers

- Alas the long way and great suffering

Thus the deputies were intimated and voted for the return of Reza Khan to premiership:

When the deputies heard these angry words

They shat in their pants out of fear

They put together ninety ‘yes’ votes

This society of shit rollers was led

By Soleiman son of Mohsen (Eskandari)

- Alas the long way and great suffering[17]

The assassination of Eshqi and the accession of Reza Shah put an end to such literature, and soon to politics itself. In fact it went underground and was circulated by the word of mouth until that too became dangerous, but even then it continued its subterranean existence especially as the new regime soon became unpopular. There are two unprinted lampoons by Bahar against Ali Akbar Davar, which are not only unprintable but not even easy to quote orally. But most of Bahar’s clandestine political poetry was serious though critical of the regime.

In 1941 war came to Iran and Reza Shah abdicated. For about two years massive amounts of insult and invective were hurled against the former shah and his regime through the press and by word of mouth.

There was a change relatively to the earlier period of chaos. This time obscene political verses were just passed on orally. Yet libels and defamations, not least charges of being a foreign agent, were still published by the press. A leading champion in this field was Mohammad Mas’ud, the talented and able author and journalist who obtained money from his victims either by threatening to ruin their reputation or by attacking the victim first and then threatening that he would do more if he did not loosen the purse. His sensational newspaper was highly popular precisely because he slang mud on the rich and powerful, although the readers had little notion of the money he was making through this process. In 1947 he was assassinated by an unofficial Tudeh party assassination squad led by Nureddin Kiyanuri, later to become the party leader. This was to be the first of a series of assassinations just to spread fear and point the finger at the shah and the conservatives, although the Tudeh party leadership put a stop to it once they learned about it.

From the 1940s up to the 1953 coup a number specialist satirical weeklies appeared, of which five were more or less prominent. The Tudeh party’s Chelengar edited by the able and talented Mohammad Ali Afrashteh satirized and scandalized opponents, When Moassadeq became leader of the National Front and later prime minister, it led hysterical attacks on him, just like most other Tudeh party papers accusing him of being a foreign agent, but it somewhat toned down its attacks in the latter part of Mosaddeq’s government. A competent, popular and quite respectable satirical weekly of the 40s was Baba Shamal edited by the talented but amateur Reza Ganjeh’i, the future minister of transport. The two pro-Mosaddeq satirical weeklies were Tawfiq, run by Tawfiq brothers, and Hajji Baba, edited by Parviz Khatibi, a former Tudeh journalist. These newspapers were funny, entertaining and at times scathing towards their opponents but by and large they did not publish blatant lies and libels.

All of these journals were banned after the 1953 coup and those of other ordinary papers that survived seized to publish vehement personal attacks on well-known individuals. Tawfiq made a comeback in the late 1950s and was highly popular but it was eventually banned in the 1960s.

AUTHOR
Homa Katouzian is a member of the Faculty of Oriental Studies and the Iran Heritage Research Fellow at St. Antony's College, Oxford University.

Notes and references

[1] See Ahmad Kasravi, Tarikh-e Masrtutiyat-e Iran, Tehran: Amir Kabir, 1994, pp. 593-595.

[2] See Maqalat-e Dehkhoda, ed., Mohammad Dabir-siyaqi, vol. 1, Tehran: Tirazheh, pp. 194-195.

[3] Ibid., pp. 199-200.

[4] Ibid., pp. 187-188.

[5] See Edward G. Browne, The Press and Poetry of Modern Persia, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1914, pp. 213-214.

[6] Ibid., pp. 194-195.

[7] See Divan-e Kamel-e Iraj Mirza, ed. Mohammad Ja’far Mahjub, fifth impression, America: Sherkat-e Ketab, 1986, pp. 12-13.

[8] See Divan-e Aref-e Qazvini, ed., Aborrahman Seif-e Azad, sixth impression, Tehran: Seif-e Azad, 1977, pp. 298-300.

[9] Ibid., pp. 309-310.

[10] See Kolliyat-e Mosavvar-e Eshqi, ed., Ali Akbar Moshir-Salimi, Tehran: Moshir-Salimi, n.d., pp. 405-409.

[11] Ibid, p.403.

[12] Ibid, pp. 417-422.

[13] Divan-e Aref-e Qazvini, pp.282-283.

[14] Kolliyat-e Mosavvar-e Eshqi, pp. 245-247.

[15] Ibid, pp. 241-245.

[16] Ibid, pp. 247-250.

[17] See Divan-e Bahar, ed., Mehrdad Bahar, vol. 1. Tehran, 1989, pp. 388-398.pp