This summer, thousands of bereaved families will defy the Iranian government and gather at the mass graves in Tehran’s Khavaran cemetery to mark the twentieth anniversary of the 1988 (1) massacre of Iranian political prisoners. If you have forgotten this grim anniversary, then you are not alone. In fact, you are not alone if you did not even know that such a massacre ever occurred.
In scale and brutality, the 1988 massacre is unparalleled in contemporary Iranian history. It is the darkest irony of this very dark episode, that of all its human rights violations the Iranian government has been most successful at keeping the 1988 killings a secret from the international community and from many Iranians. By now, virtually everyone knows of the reign of terror that immediately followed the Islamic Revolution, the Iranian government’s assassination campaign abroad, and the “Chain Murders” that targeted opposition intellectuals and activists in the late 1990s. Tragically, however, there is very little public awareness of the 1988 executions. Not only has there been no prosecution of the criminals who orchestrated and carried out that summer’s gruesome murders, but the government continues to deny that they even occurred.
In this article, I want to do three things. First, I want to tell, in a condensed form, the story of the 1988 massacre. This story needs to be told repeatedly because many simply do not know it. Such repetition is also important, because in its retelling we commemorate the victims and ensure that their deaths were not in vain. Secondly, I want to discuss why this twenty year-old crime matters. Finally, I want to briefly outline a blueprint for future action.
There is also one approach that I specifically want to avoid in this piece. I do not wish to delve into the reasons why, for two decades, little has been done to pursue justice in this case. That is not to say that past failures are unimportant. They teach us a great deal about the difficulties ahead and the pitfalls to avoid. What I mean is that devoting energy to blaming the actions of this political party or the omissions of that human rights organization distracts from the real and difficult tasks now at hand: Making the world aware of the crime, investigating the massacre, and preparing for future prosecutions.
What happened in 1988?
Throughout the 1980’s, Iranian prisons were filled with political prisoners of every age, gender, and ideological affiliation. As has been noted by Amnesty International, the vast majority of these political prisoners had been sentenced to prison—in trials that fell far short of international standards—for non-violent political activity. While in prison, they had endured appalling torture and other forms of brutality.
In late 1987 and early 1988, prison officials began the unusual process of interrogating political prisoners again and separating them according to their party affiliations, religiosity, and length of sentence. In Tehran, this meant that some prisoners were moved between Evin and Gohar-Dasht prisons. This preliminary segregation of prisoners strongly indicates that there were pre-existing plans for mass killings. Furthermore, the filtering process belies the notion that the 1988 executions were in response to armed attacks on Iranian territory.
At the end of July 1998, shortly after Iran had accepted a cease-fire in the war with Iraq, and days after its military had soundly repelled an attack by the Mojahedin-e Khalq on Iran’s western border, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini gave two unprecedented secret orders(2) to begin the re-trial of all political prisoners across the country and to execute those who remained steadfast in their opposition to the Islamic regime. To give effect to Khomeini’s order, a commission was assembled—called the “Death Commission” by the prisoners—consisting of a representative from the Judiciary, the office of the Prosecutor, and the Ministry of Intelligence. In Tehran’s Death Commission, those government agencies were represented by Jaafar Nayyeri, Morteza Eshraghi and Mostafa Pourmohammadi respectively, although others also played a role. The task of the Death Commission was to determine whether a prisoner was a Mohareb(3) or Mortad-(4)and to execute both groups. In the case of most Mojahedin prisoners, that determination was often made after only a single question about their party affiliation. Those who said “Mojahedin” rather than the derogatory “Monafeqin”(5) were sent to be hanged. In the case of various leftist prisoners, the Death Commission asked about religious belief and willingness to cooperate with the authorities. Sample questions included: “are you a Muslim?”, “do you pray?”, and “are you willing to clear minefields for the military of the Islamic Republic?” If a plurality of judges felt that the prisoner was a Mohareb or Mortad, the prisoner was sent to hang immediately.
Several thousand political prisoners were killed in a matter of two months. Ayatollah Hossein Ali Montazeri estimates that the number killed was somewhere between 2,800 and 3,800. Others believe the number is higher. Even those who survived the questioning of the Death Commission did not always fare well. Some could not bear the emotional pain of what they had witnessed, or the physical pain of the regular floggings they received, and simply committed suicide. The prison guards are said to have encouraged that decision.
To add insult to injury, the Iranian government did not inform the victims’ families about the re-trials until the executions had been carried out and the bodies had been buried in mass graves. Once informed, the families were not told of their loved ones’ burial spots and were ordered not to erect any monument or hold any ceremony. When asked about the killings by the Western press, representatives of the Iranian government—Abdollah Nouri, Ali Khamene’i, and Hashemi Rafsanjani—flatly denied them. The Iranian government continues to deny the 1988 elimanation of opposition prisoners.
Why Does 1988 matter?
Even after reading the story above, it is fair to ask why, in a world of finite activist resources and limited attention spans, it is worth focusing on a case from two decades ago. Why not instead focus on something more immediate and pressing?
There are two answers. The first is that—while one does not want to be in the business of comparing suffering—the scale of the crimes committed in 1988 makes the case qualitatively different from the Iranian government’s other human rights violations. As mentioned at the outset, the murder campaign of that summer is a crime without parallel in Iran’s tumultuous modern history. In fact, the executions have all the elements required by international law to be labeled as crimes against humanity: The murders were widespread and systematic, they were directed at a civilian population, and, as made clear by Ayatollah Montazeri in his memoirs, they were a policy preconceived at the highest ranks of the Iranian government. The sheer magnitude of the 1988 massacre makes it too large to ignore, even after twenty years.
The second reason to focus on 1988 is that the absence of accountability for those crimes has led to the culture of impunity so rampant in today’s Iran. Why would Iranian officials hesitate to murder intellectuals, torture students, or kill an Iranian-Canadian photojournalist? After all, they know that their colleagues (i.e. Ismail Shooshtari or Mostafa Pourmohammadi) who bear immense criminal responsibility for the same types of acts in 1988 have been rewarded with cabinet posts under the Khatami and Ahmadinejad administrations? A focus on 1988 sends a strong signal to Iranian officials that the human rights community has a long memory and that, like Milosevic, Pinochet, and numerous Rwandan genocidaires(6), they will one day have to account for their crimes. A campaign to widely identify the perpetrators of the 1988 massacre may also shame future Iranian administrations into marginalizing those individuals. A publicity campaign will alert the Iranian government that giving public roles to known criminals will further isolate it from the international community.
What is to be Done about 1988?
On this sad anniversary, it is important to hold gatherings, lay flowers, and observe moments of silence. But remembrance is not enough. What we need now, after twenty years of silence, is to map out a strategy for demanding accountability. To decide on such a strategy, we will need input from survivors, victims’ families, lawyers, human rights activists, and journalists. To start this important conversation, I outline below a few preliminary thoughts on the course of action. The list below is not exhaustive and the steps outlined are intertwined:
* Telling the world: I began this article by mentioning that the vast majority of people simply do not know that the crimes of 1988 ever occurred. Our failure to publicize this crime is the most shameful disservice to the victims and their families. It is also the single greatest obstacle to the pursuit for justice since we cannot expect an international outcry over a crime about which the world simply does not know. To rectify the situation, we need to begin a thoughtful information campaign; a campaign that goes beyond insular gatherings of former prisoners and a small group of devoted activists; a campaign that vividly presents the 1988 case as a human rights issue that matters to all Iranians rather than a political issue that benefits only those opposition groups whose members were executed. We need to write op-eds in newspapers, both local and national, in Persian and in the major languages of the world, without hyperbole or generalizations. We need to have professional-looking websites that disseminate information on this topic. We need to talk to the journalists we know and ask them to cover this story, and if the journalists ask us for information, we need to have well-written resources to provide. We need to blog about 1988. Our academics need to write scholarly papers on the topic. We need to host conferences on the issue. In short, we need to make sure that we shatter the pervasive silence of the past twenty years.
* Telling our representatives: An important part of our information campaign needs to focus on our elected representatives at every level of government. Through meetings with representatives and candidates, letter writing, and through the use of our emerging diaspora lobby groups, we first need to inform the leaders of the countries in which we live about the atrocity that occurred in 1988 and its importance to the Iranian community. We then need to demand action from these governments, letting them know that they will only have our votes if they seriously address our concerns in this regard. Government action can come in many forms. For example, we can request that our governments formally recognize the 1988 massacre as crimes against humanity. The mere act of recognition by a foreign government will surely get Tehran’s attention. We can ask that our governments insist on tough human rights pre-conditions in all future dealings with Iran, namely an independent investigation of the 1988 massacre. We can also demand that our governments use any legal mechanism available to them, be it through the exercise of “universal jurisdiction” or other means, to threaten the perpetrators of the 1988 massacre with arrest and prosecution.
* Pressuring the human rights organizations: It is baffling that two of the world’s most powerful human rights organizations, Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, have simply never written full reports on a crime as widespread as the 1988 extermination campaign. To give credibility to our cause, this needs to change. What is needed here is public pressure on these organizations and their Iran researchers in the form of letters, emails, and phone calls, asking them take up the case more seriously. Instead of blaming and condemning them for their failure up until now, it is important to convince them that their investigation would alleviate some the suffering of the victims’ families and would have a positive impact on Iran’s political culture. If they are unwilling to pursue the case, we need to ask for clear reasons. If they say that they will consider it, we need to follow up. Persistence is the key in this regard.
* Consulting with other communities and learning from their experience: There is a wealth of knowledge and experience among various communities about how to deal with human rights atrocities. Those of us in the Iranian human rights community should form alliances with such groups and learn about their successes and failures. For example, we may attempt to learn from the Chilean example, where brave activists began documenting the atrocities of the Pinochet regime back in the bleak days of the 1970’s when there was little hope for change. Though the Chileans were never successful in obtaining a conviction against Pinochet while he was still alive, they scored a major victory in 1998 when Pinochet was arrested in England on a Spanish warrant for human rights crimes. With their tireless efforts, the lawyers and activists ensured that the former dictator’s last days were spent in real fear of prosecution. A different yet equally instructive example is to be found in neighboring Argentina. There, the famed “Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo” began their struggle in the 1970’s against the military junta that had abducted their children in the brutal Dirty War. Their protests continue to this day, though the Dirty War is long over and the military junta is gone. The Mothers have had many successes and some failures. Their model is also one that we ought to study in closer depth.
* Gathering the evidence and preparing for prosecution: Even if we had ready access to the 1988 culprits, the prospects of prosecutions in the near future are slim. Simply put, at the moment, with the Islamic government firmly in control of Iran, it is not clear where any claim against the perpetrators of the 1988 crimes could be brought. The Iranian Judiciary, itself a tool of Iranian government repression, will not pursue this case. The newly-established International Criminal Court lacks jurisdiction to address the issue for a variety of legal reasons. Moreover, the national courts around the world are reluctant to make use of the notion of universal jurisdiction to prosecute individuals for crimes committed in another country.
* We should not be deterred, however, by the current absence of a proper venue. For now, we should focus on preparing a case, with an eye towards a future opportunity to present the evidence in an Iranian, foreign, or international court. What is currently needed is for an organization to compile all documents and testimony from all survivors, victims’ families, any perpetrator who is willing to speak (perhaps with the hope of future amnesty), any current or former official who may have inside knowledge of the massacre (such as Ayatollah Montazeri), and any other person willing to come forward with relevant information. We will need to hold meetings between lawyers who have expertise in various jurisdictions to discuss possible legal theories. The preparation of documents and evidence will of course facilitate any future prosecution. But it will also assist in the information campaign and lobbying efforts I have outlined above.
Obtaining justice in the 1988 case will require a sustained and serious effort from the human rights community. Much groundwork needs to be laid before we can even seriously begin the project of prosecuting the responsible parties. Two decades have already passed without any serious action on these crimes against humanity. In these two decades, memories have faded and evidence has been lost. We need to get to work. There is no time to waste.
This article was originally published in gozaar.net.
NOTES
(1) 1367 in the Iranian calendar.
(2) A copy of the order pertaining to the Mojahedin is now widely available.
(3) Combatant against God.
(4) Apostate.
(5) Hypocrite.
(6) Those responsible for mass killings.
Person | About | Day |
---|---|---|
نسرین ستوده: زندانی روز | Dec 04 | |
Saeed Malekpour: Prisoner of the day | Lawyer says death sentence suspended | Dec 03 |
Majid Tavakoli: Prisoner of the day | Iterview with mother | Dec 02 |
احسان نراقی: جامعه شناس و نویسنده ۱۳۰۵-۱۳۹۱ | Dec 02 | |
Nasrin Sotoudeh: Prisoner of the day | 46 days on hunger strike | Dec 01 |
Nasrin Sotoudeh: Graffiti | In Barcelona | Nov 30 |
گوهر عشقی: مادر ستار بهشتی | Nov 30 | |
Abdollah Momeni: Prisoner of the day | Activist denied leave and family visits for 1.5 years | Nov 30 |
محمد کلالی: یکی از حمله کنندگان به سفارت ایران در برلین | Nov 29 | |
Habibollah Golparipour: Prisoner of the day | Kurdish Activist on Death Row | Nov 28 |
..And so does your bias.
by Fair on Tue Jul 29, 2008 11:38 AM PDTYou are not fooling anyone.
Fair, your language speaks volumes
by Fair to fair (not verified) on Tue Jul 29, 2008 09:11 AM PDTScum bag? Good job. Keep up the good work.
The latest domestic
by sosad (not verified) on Sat Jul 26, 2008 10:49 AM PDTThe latest domestic terrorism of IRI:
The kidnap and torture of Kamangar's 11 year old nephew, in the website of Human Rights Activists in Iran.
Fazad Kamangar is the Iranian Kurdish teacher who is due to be executed.
//www.hrairan.com/Archive_87/904.html
Islamic Republic has a horrific track record of killing teenagers during the eighties by madmen like Khalkhali and Lajevardi, even pregnant women were executed by this regime in the eighties. According to the Human Rights Activists in Iran website, Kamangar's 11 year old nephew who had popped out for some shopping errands, was forced into a white car belonging to the IRGC, taken to an unknown place, and beaten while the assailants hurled insults and threats at his family and at Kamangar in particular for several hours. At the end, this 11 year old boy was released 5 Kilometers outside the town at 21:00 hours, bleeding from his eyes and ears. It took him more than one hour to walk back and find his home. Naturally the kid is in shock and extremely frightened.
//www.hrairan.com/Archive_87/904.html
Forward all of regime's
by sosad (not verified) on Sat Jul 26, 2008 10:44 AM PDTForward all of regime's atrocities to the press: here's a contact list
ABC News: netaudr@abc.com
Nightline: nightline@abcnews.com
20/20: 2020@abc.com
CBS Evening News: evening@cbsnews.com
The Early Show: earlyshow@cbs.com
60 Minutes II: 60II@cbsnews.com
48 Hours: 48hours@cbsnews.com
Face The Nation: ftn@cbsnews.com
Fox News: comments@foxnews.com
Special Report with Brit Hume: Special@foxnews.com
FOX Report with Shepard Smith: Foxreport@foxnews.com
The O'Reilly Factor: Oreilly@foxnews.com
Hannity & Colmes: Hannity@foxnews.com, Colmes@foxnews.com
On the Record with Greta: Ontherecord@foxnews.com
NBC Nightly News with Brian Williams: nightly@nbc.com
NBC News Today: today@nbc.com
Dateline NBC: dateline@nbc.com
Hardball with Chris Matthews: hardball@msnbc.com
MSNBC Reports with Joe Scarborough: msnbcreports@msnbc.com
The NewsHour with Jim Lehrer: newshour@pbs.org
All Things Considered: atc@npr.org
Morning Edition: morning@npr.org
Talk Of The Nation: totn@npr.org
LA Times Letters to the Editor: letters@latimes.com
NY Times Letters to the Editor: letters@nytimes.com
NY Times Editors: nytnews@nytimes.com
USA Today Letters to the Editor: editor@usatoday.com
Wall Street Journal Letters to the Editor: wsj.ltrs@wsj.com
Washington Post Letters to the Editor: letters@washpost.com
Newsweek Letters to the Editor: letters@newsweek.com
Time Letters to the Editor: letters@time.com
US News & World Report Letters to the Editor: letters@usnews.com
Associated Press: info@ap.org
UPI Comment and Tips: tips@upi.com
Thank you Sosad, and now...
by Fair on Fri Jul 25, 2008 07:16 PM PDT.. let's see what level of "debate" mostaghel is capable of when faced with such cases.
Will he actually be able to justify these actions in front of the world?
Or will he find it more convenient to bark?
Defenders of terrorism should be asking for a substantial raise just about now... I do not envy their position.
How much must you be paid to not be FAIR?
Arrest of family memebers of massacre of 1988
by sosad (not verified) on Fri Jul 25, 2008 05:15 PM PDTThe Recent Summons and Arrest of Family Members of Political Prisoners who were Mass Murdered in the Summer of 1988
As the 20th anniversary of the 1988 mass murder of Iranian political prisoners approaches, the Regime has started summoning and arresting family members of prisoners who were murdered, in order to create a general atmosphere of fear and to prevent any participation in the commemoration services of this tragedy.
For example Mr. Mohsen Naderi (50 years old) who had been summoned to the Revolutionary Courts on Tuesday July 22nd 2008 was arrested and placed in a temporary holding cell in the Evin Prison.
Last year in the month of September Mr. Nadri who had lost a loved one (Mohammad Hossein Davoud Abadi Farahani, long live his memory) participated in an event commemorating the 19th anniversary of the mass murder of political prisoners in 1988
Following his participation in this event on September 9th 2007 he was attacked by about 12 Ministry of Intelligence guards who arrested and transferred him to Section 209 of the Evin Prison. He was interrogated for 21 days in solitary cells, by two interrogators named Saeed and Rahmati.
During the 21 days of interrogations he was subjected to brutal physical and psychological torture by his interrogators. He was released after 21 days on bail and was eventually tried in Branch 28 of the Revolutionary Courts before a Judge called Mousavi.
Mr. Naderi is one of the many political prisoners who were arrested in the early 1980’s. He was imprisoned from 1981 to 1986 on the charges of being a supporter of Mojahedin’e Khalq. During his time in prison he was subjected to inhumane torture.
It should be mentioned that those family members who had participated in the 19th commemoration ceremonies of the 1988 Mass Murders were attacked by the Ministry of Intelligence Officials and taken to Section 209 of the Evin Prison. They were subjected to the most inhumane physical and psychological torture for more than 4 months, and were kept in solitary confinement.
Later they were transferred to Section 350 of the Evin Prison where a number of them still remain imprisoned to this day. The names of the family members who are still imprisoned include Mr. Ali Saremi (60 years old), Mr. Mohammad Ali Mansouri, Ms. Misagh Yazdan Nejad and Mr. Naser Sudagari.
Human Rights and Democracy Activists in Iran condemn the continuation of arrests, new wave of arrests and the summons of the families of political prisoners who were mass murdered in 1988. Human Rights and Democracy Activists in Iran urge the International Community to form a commission to investigate the mass murders of 1988 and to bring to justice those who were responsible for this great tragedy.
Human Rights and Democracy Activists in Iran
23rd July 2008
//hrdai.blogspot.com
pejvak_zendanyan10@yahoo.com
pejvakzendanyan@gmail.com
tel. : 0031620720193
//hrdai.blogspot.com/2008/07/67.html
You couldn't spot a debate a light year away
by Fair on Fri Jul 25, 2008 03:49 PM PDTYou have no answer so you bark. Like all supporters of terrorists.
I call a duck a duck, and a terrorist a terrorist. Those who commit mass murder and rape on thousands of young prisoners and deprive them of any rights whatsoever are terrorists.
You disagree with this? Then let's debate. If you know what that is. You need to provide an argument why this is not true (other than redefinining terrorism to your desire). You or Malakeh have failed to do so, and instead called me names. Like all supporters of terrorists, when you run out of canned answers, you bark. Because you have no argument, no ground to stand on. Just violence, threats, and labels.
YOU think I am talking to myself because you choose not to even read what I am saying. Like all terrorists and criminals, it is necessary for you to dehumanize your opponent. Only then can you torture and rape and kill. Perhaps it is too painful for you to actually listen to an opinion that you don't like. That is why you try to lump an increasing number of people (up to 5 now) because it is inconceivable for you to fathom how much of a moron you might be.
Please continue putting your foot in your mouth, it is making my job very very very easy.
Good luck if you ever decide to be FAIR.
sosad = fair = free = rashidian = KavehV = K.N = ....
by mostaghel on Fri Jul 25, 2008 02:14 PM PDTAre you talking to yourself again? You probably need to see a psychologist or a psychiatrist.
Your best argument for convincing those who disagree with you has been to call them "terrorists". Is that the best you can do? May be you need to go back to middle school and take a class on "debate".
Someone called you "W" because you sounded stupid. I think this was a dis-service to "W".
Have a nice CHOL-AND-KABAB
And one last word on the
by KavehV (not verified) on Fri Jul 25, 2008 12:33 PM PDTAnd one last word on the erroneous labels on victims of these crimes. To label a 14, 15, 16 or a 17 year old an MKO, Cherik, Tudeh-e, or any label du jour is just fraudulent. The looming Islamic fanaticism of the time had alerted an entire generation of teenagers (and their families) to an uncertain future and a horrific war. High school students demonstrating in the streets against barbaric decrees of the Islamic clergy were not ideologues, nor guilty of any crimes. But, shooting them on the streets, busing them to Evin and then shooting them the same evening was a crime. Shutting down schools and busing students right out of classrooms to Evin for interrogation and eventual execution was a crime. A 14, 15, or a 16 year old may have sympathies, likes and dislikes, but he/she is not a hardcore fighter. Not when they live with their families and attending school. The much older and much smaller group of hard cores were armed and in hiding. The much larger sympathizers were fed up with the bloody Islamization of the society and sympathized with hard cores who advocated resistance. These were the younger and more naïve group who had no concept of Islamist's potential for bloody barbarism.
If you grew up in the 70's Iran, Islamic savagery was unknown and just inconceivable. Never could anyone imagine that, some day, they would be shot dead for hanging around with their friends (at least not until 1978 anyhow). That they would be condemned to death by a mullah accusing them of "corruption on earth", or "at war with god", or some other Islamic nonsense terminology conceived just for the murderous muslims to carry out their historic genocide.
These were kid just like anyone else, some in the ninth grade, tenth, eleventh, or twelfth grade. Looking forward to completing high school and preparing for college qualifying exams. They lived at home with their parents. Many of these parents were already alarmed and were trying to get their kids out of the country and out of these rapidly deteriorating and dangerous conditions. But one day, their son, or daughter, did not return from school. From that day on, their search for answers has only revealed the depth of Islamic barbarity that had been dormant in the recent history.
Thank you sosad. I believe
by KavehV (not verified) on Fri Jul 25, 2008 12:28 PM PDTThank you sosad.
I believe that first we have to take away the stigma of hardcore revolutionaries from these victims. Some were indeed hardcore advocating armed struggle, but the vast majority were young high school sympathizers who were literally snatched from their classroom, off the streets and even their parents house. This is true of at least the few cases that I know about. I tried to elaborate on that in an earlier comment, but it has not been published yet. This will have much better impact on the State Department and policy makers to show the human element in this than the hardcore revolutionary left extremist types who were often known to be "anti-Imperialists". We need to show that most of these victims were normal school kids from middle class families. They were teenagers accused of and were condemned to death for their SYMPATHIES toward some extremist Marxist, or Marxist-Islamic groups. Nothing was ever proven against them other that being "against Islam" and therefore worthy of death.
Second, we need a dedicated committee, or group who can act as a conduit between the HR organizations, foundations documenting these crimes and the State Department and the congress to communicate the scope of these crimes and their effects on the society. To establish the clause; "Crimes Against Humanity" and name perpetrators, their organizations and other affiliations. Issue and enforce warrants against individual criminals and impose economic and financial sanctions against affiliated organization. Through this process other ideas and concepts will also come up that will help to formulate a more comprehensive policy toward IRI. Namely, the illegitimacy of the regime based on its ideology and internal conduct.
Re: Immoral Shiny head and (To: sosad)
by mostaghel on Fri Jul 25, 2008 11:27 AM PDTsosad:
Relying on a foriegn power to prosecute IRI becasue of murder of very unpopular MKO organization's memebrs is not plausible. Lets not forget that US government is not just a foriegn government, it has shown going back to 1953 that it is an enemy of iranians. Why relay on one enemy to get rid of another? You are thinking like MKO! It is a futile act and will not produce any results.
Immoral Shiny head and
by sosad (not verified) on Fri Jul 25, 2008 09:05 AM PDTImmoral Shiny head and Malekeh have probably blood on their hand or know of people who do...
We shouldn't let these trolls to distract us.
How do we bring up these issues to the our congressmen and the State Department??? Should we call amnesty international or the state department to ask for guidance in this regard?
Let's talk about concrete ways to collectively bring up all these issues to the attention of Obama, McCain, State Department, and those who are in direct negotiation with the Islamic Republic....
Re: I know dignity and sincerity (To: KavehV)
by Shiny Head on Fri Jul 25, 2008 08:10 AM PDTKaveh,
The logic you used is incorrect; it is similar to MKO's logic in Iran. After Iranian people rejected MKO they went to Saddam for refuge and turned against the same nation that they claimed they wanted to help. The rest is history.
By the way, why if someone's opinion is against yours, you automatically assume they are agents or supporters of IRI? This is also wrong approach often used by the so called "opposition". Assume that the IRI is overthrown and gone and assume that you are in POWER in Iran. You think everyone will agree with you on everything? If the answer in your little mind is YES, then you are very NAIIVE. You must learn to tolerate decent. That is what IRI does not, and unfortunately neither does the "opposition".
(I lost my hair because I wanted to know better, not because I used vajebi to shave my head).
regards...
I know dignity and sincerity
by KavehV (not verified) on Thu Jul 24, 2008 11:57 PM PDTI know dignity and sincerity are foreign concepts in this abused and diluted culture. But, by all means, if you think there are better venues for seeking justice and acknowledgment of these crimes than the US state department (UN and the Hague court), do share them with us. And if you think US state department is not the proper venue, then show us the right ones in your Islamic Republic. Otherwise, do try to afford us some dignity, even if you have to learn the concept first.
Re: So much for this exercise in (To: KavehV)
by Shiny Head on Thu Jul 24, 2008 07:43 PM PDTKaveh
while your attempt at refreshing the history of murder of MKO members is a great effort and admirable, you missed the opportunity when you cited US government's "human rights" web page in the below post. How can you forget the misserable human rights violations with support of the US government at Shah's time in Iran? Lets not forget that the whole Iran mess started in 1953 with the violation of all laws sacred to humanity; "independece and self-governnance of all free peoples of the world". This baseic principle has been violated most all over the world by the same government that you cite as protector of human rights.
Shame!
(I lost my hair becasue I wanted to know better, not becasue I shaved it with Vajebi)
The IRI
by Keyvan Talebi on Thu Jul 24, 2008 06:04 PM PDTScum will be punished one day. I am sure of it! I still can not understand how there are Iranians who defend these idiots. Very sad.
So much for this exercise in
by KavehV (not verified) on Thu Jul 24, 2008 05:43 PM PDTSo much for this exercise in participatory democracy, are we so comfortable in our ideological trenches that makes us prefer silence to a progressive stance, or even a discussion about it?
Here is the State Department web site for human rights:
//www.state.gov/g/drl/hr/
Just remember that, regardless of the political affiliations, human rights is one of the pillars of foreign policy. As stated on the site:
"Because the promotion of human rights is an important national interest, the United States seeks to:
Hold governments accountable to their obligations under universal human rights norms and international human rights instruments;
Promote greater respect for human rights, including freedom from torture, freedom of expression, press freedom, women's rights, children's rights, and the protection of minorities;
Promote the rule of law, seek accountability, and change cultures of impunity;
Assist efforts to reform and strengthen the institutional capacity of the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights and the UN Commission on Human Rights; and
Coordinate human rights activities with important allies, including the EU, and regional organizations. "
It is your government and it is up to you to make it work right, and work for you. And no, I have no government affiliations, nor interests. Neither overt, nor covert.
Let us all for a moment
by jamshid on Thu Jul 24, 2008 04:33 PM PDTLet us all for a moment pause and feel the pain that the parents or other survivors of the 1988 massacre must be feeling in these days.
They lost their dearest ones forever. And they will continue feeling the pain of their loss for as long as they live.
I find it appalling that a few pro-regime supporters try in vain to justify this massacre. It is a depiction of their barbaric and corrupt nature.
I hope one day after the fall of the IRI, a proper and befitting memorial would take place for these victims.
Yeah!! It is one group who just wants to muder another group!!!
by Anonymous500 (not verified) on Thu Jul 24, 2008 07:01 AM PDTMahdi:
You are one sick little moron if you believe this nonsense that you have written. Only a genocidal Ablah would accuse the victims of the Khomeini regime as "a group of People" who wants to reciprocate murder with murder.
MKO Members Deserved it ?
by mostaghel on Thu Jul 24, 2008 05:46 AM PDTIf Khomeine had not ordered their demise right after the war, these criminals instead of numbering 3000 today in Ashraf city and Paris, would number may be 6000. MKO is a sell-out cult that does anything to gain power including murder of Iranians. They deserve was was coming to them.
Khoda Anhara Beyamorzad
Thank you Fred and
by KavehV (not verified) on Wed Jul 23, 2008 07:28 PM PDTThank you Fred and Anonymousc for your Iran Human Rights Documentation Center and AB Foundation recommendations. It is certainly heart warming to know a good portion, or perhaps most of the documentation of these crimes have already been completed. I also understand that this is an on going project as we continue to hear of gross HR violations even today, although much lower in volume and barbarity compared to those committed in 1980s. Also worth noting that early 1980s was a period of unprecedented revisions in civil code of Iran. The most barbaric and primitive civil code, Islamic retribution code (Ghanoon-e ghasaas) has been in effect from the onset of these crimes.
Given that a major part of the documentation is complete, the next step would be to communicate these crimes at national level, probably through a lobby group in Washington. I am not informed enough, in any way, to recommend approaches we can take in communicating these crimes to officials, or organizations formulating foreign policies on IRI. It seems to me that US state department people should have, at the minimum, some suggestions. While this may not be of much interest to them initially, but will need to explore the possibilities with them at some point. Another option is to communicate and explore options with local members of congress and senators of our states, as individuals, groups and lobbies. Lets open it up and hear about other possibilities and approaches in communicating these crimes to our governments with the eventual goal of helping to formulate a reasonable foreign policy toward IRI. Another tall order, but lets talk about it.
Suggestion
by Amir Khosrow Sheibany (not verified) on Wed Jul 23, 2008 05:15 PM PDTMr Shahrooz,
Thank you for your article. I would like to suggest that in the future you write a few paragraphs more on the evidence behind your statement implying the murders were part of pre-existing plans. It would add more weight to your position.
Additionally, I would not raise the atrocities associated with this massacre above the level of what happened on August 19th of 30 years ago. Namely the burning of cinema Rex and all the people inside of it. It was also an unprecedented act against civilians, including women and children, in our contemporary history.
May the souls of all the
by Farhad Kashani on Wed Jul 23, 2008 05:03 PM PDTMay the souls of all the brave Iranians who have been massacred by the fascist regime in Tehran rest in peace. Some day, hopefully, Khamenei is been issued an arrest warrant for his crimes against humanity just like his friend Omar Al Bashir.
...And YOU Holocaust
by Fair on Wed Jul 23, 2008 03:47 PM PDT...And YOU Holocaust Survivor, are speaking NONSENSE. Because you have yet to answer one iota the facts I brought.
You just called yourself an irresponsible idiot. Are you still having a balmy day? Or do you have an incredibly hard time saying why the killings of 1988 are not an act of terrorism?
You may now resume putting your foot in your mouth. Have fun!
Kaveh V: I think you should
by Anonymousc (not verified) on Wed Jul 23, 2008 03:24 PM PDTKaveh V: I think you should contact Ladan Boroumand at
//www.abfiran.org/
Re-lets start from here
by Fred on Wed Jul 23, 2008 03:15 PM PDTThere will be a wealth of court ready documentation available to prosecutors at the Hague and elsewhere the moment the Islamist republic falls, and fall it will.
There are number of documentation centers, as far as I am aware of, the most organized is the Iran Human Rights Documentation Center (//www.iranhrdc.org/httpdocs/english/homepage.php)
Among other equally qualified members professor Payam Akhavan who has hands on knowledge and experience with prosecuting mass murderers and genocide cases in Rwanda and Yugoslavia is on its board.
Any and all documents and witness accounts should be made available to this center by the victims, their families and all conscious souls in possession of such documentations. There are people, selfless dedicated people who without much fanfare are at it 24/7 to make sure the Islamist republic’s reign of terror will not be forgotten and once it is ended it will never happen again, never ever again.
It seems to me that a group
by asdf (not verified) on Wed Jul 23, 2008 03:13 PM PDTIt seems to me that a group of people killed another group of people and now the friends or relatives of that group are trying to muster support and power in order to kill the first group.
It seems to me that a group of people are trying to justify heinous acts of violence and unspeakable carnage committed in the name of their religion/ideology; They are also thinking they can get away with it by equating calls for justice and decency as unjust, wicked, and wrong.
If this is not the height of moral decay of a nation as a whole, I don't know what is.
...And YOU Holocaust
by Fair on Wed Jul 23, 2008 02:27 PM PDT...And YOU Holocaust Survivor, are speaking NONSENSE. Because you have yet to answer one iota the facts I brought.
You just called yourself an irresponsible idiot. Are you still having a balmy day? Or do you have an incredibly hard time saying why the killings of 1988 are not an act of terrorism?
You may now resume putting your foot in your mouth. Have fun!
lets start from here,
by KavehV (not verified) on Wed Jul 23, 2008 02:20 PM PDTFirst, for these crimes, 1988 crimes and all the previous ones starting from 1979, all efforts should be made to document and make available to all human rights organizations and make sure these issues remain top priority on their agendas. The first step would be the documentation of these crimes in accordance with the prominent HR organization and Hague court guidelines, if any.
Second; the telling to your representative. Over the past 30 years, I have seen, so many times, state or federal officials make erroneous comments about the evil nature of IRI that only helped to undermine their position later on. Lets make sure when they talk about evil Islamic Republic, they are armed with these facts and know what they are talking about. I am also aware that HR issues are also regarded as internal matters for many countries and unlikely campaign issue for many candidates. But, there are, and we must find and support, candidates for public office who are willing to take on these issues. Given the current political climate in the US, the timing may just be right, to incorporate 'crimes against humanity' clause in the US foreign policy toward IRI. Lets make sure that the Hague court and the HR organization have a well documented case against these criminals and let the respective foreign ministers incorporate it into their foreign policies. Maybe a tall order, but lets take the first step; document these atrocities to communicate this case better to all.
Thank you Kaveh
by serious reader (not verified) on Wed Jul 23, 2008 01:37 PM PDTI have been very aware of the twentieth anniversary of these executions since the beginning of 2008. I am lucky that I did not lose anyone I loved to these massacres but have been very aware nontheless. Thanks for giving us some tips on what actions to take. It certainly gave me some ideas.
I know there are a lot of people working on this case. I wonder if more people, especially those with personal experience, will come forward and tell us what they know. We must know.