AHMADINEJAD
Mr. Khamenei did not see a partner in Mr. Mousavi
The post election events in Iran and the ensuing “selection” of Mr. Ahmadinejad and the subsequent brutal suppression of the popular furor is puzzling for any Iran observer. The Ayatollahs in Iran have hitherto prided themselves for ruling by consensus and having the masses behind them. The recent events are a turning point as for the first time in the post revolution history of Iran the schism in the ruling clerical establishment was on display for the world to see, and for the savage suppression of the largely peaceful rallies by the “children of the revolution”. The true intentions behind stealing the people’s votes and anointing President Ahmadinejad for a second term may be opaque, but we get some hints from the Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei’s Friday sermon
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VIEW
Iran’s leaders can show maturity by adopting a less fearful approach
The recent presidential elections turmoil in Iran, regardless of the ‘truth’ behind the events, will undoubtedly have serious ramifications for the Islamic Republic on several fronts. Chief among these is an inevitable blow to the Islamic Regime’s legitimacy, and its regional and global standing in the eyes of Iranians, the region’s population, and that of the world at large. Within Iran, it is clear that a major rift among the population has manifested itself both on the streets and within the political and religious elite. On the one hand, millions of Iranian women and men have confirmed their frustration with the Regime and Mr. Ahmadinejad’s presidency through street demonstrations and direct action
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POINT
A longing for freedom that has been fermenting for three decades
What strikes one as profoundly important is the participation of ordinary Iranians en masse in what is nothing less than a demand for authentic democracy. “Where is my vote” is the question that Iranians are asking. If we deconstruct this question into its constituent parts, we have before us some of the critical components of liberal democracy, a la “the West.” The “my” represents the individual citizen who, after actioning her/his faith in the power of the vote, now demands to reap the benefits. The “where” represents that streak of unrelenting, yet reasoned skepticism that is the patrimony of open societies that are not averse to questions and questioning
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TIPS
Come together. Unite. Organize. Get up. Stand up
If the expatriate community can unite it can become a very powerful force, far stronger than the American and Israeli military forces that some mistakenly think is the only option for change. Once the expatriate community unites it can then empower Iranians in Iran. It is estimated that the total wealth of the expatriate community is above $600,000,000,000. If one percent of this can be directed towards bringing about freedom and democracy in Iran we would be a power strong enough to take on the totalitarian regime in Iran. The first step is to organize and unite those that are willing to work for freedom and democracy in Iran
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OUTLOOK
محور "هاشمی-خامنه ای" عملا شکسته شده
از پی چندین روز پر تنش، سر انجام در نماز روز جمعه ۲۹ خرداد، رهبری نظام به سود بخشی از یک جناح، از مسوولیت "هدایت" تمامیت جمهوری اسلامی دست کشید؛ و به جای دعوت دو بخش جامعه ما به آشتی و همزیستی، اکثریت ناراضی و معترض جامعه را به مقابله و سرکوب تهدید کرد. روز بعد میلیون ها نفر در سراسر کشور به خیابان ها ریختند و خون ده ها معصوم بر آسفالت خیابان شتک زد. کدام عوامل سازمانگر نگاه و رفتار آقای خامنه ای در روند انتخابات دهمین دوره انتخابات ریاست جمهوری بوده است؟ آیا رفتار رهبری کشور به صلاح کشور و منافع ملی بوده است؟ واکنش رهبری کشور در قبال بحران موجود تا چه حد به ثبات سیاسی سیستم کمک می کند؟ آیا گزینه دیگری، با زیان های کمتری برای امنیت عامه و اعتبار کشور و وجود داشت؟ پختگی، انسجام، و دور اندیشی و درایت تا چه میزان با حرکت رهبری نظام در پروسه انتخابات در آمیخته بوده است؟
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VIEW
Elections allowed the different factions of the clergy believing in the rule of the faqih to test out the legitimacy of their solutions, and by inference their position in the ruling hierarchy, by reverting to the popular vote. Thus the factions would fight over the popular vote and would use this to manoeuvre in the corridors of power. Hence the regime that Khomeini bestowed on the country was in no way democratic for the population of Iran but allowed a large amount of freedom, indeed a form of internal democracy, within the ruling clergy. Interestingly the people of Iran, deprived of any real voice in government, used the rivalry between the factions to manoeuvre and obtain some breathing space
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SUPPORT
It is time to see support for freedom and democracy
I am now genuinely scared about what might happen to Iran. I fear that this movement for freedom and democracy that took us all by surprise with it depth and breadth, its courage and resilience, will be choked into silence. I am afraid that we will have to face many more years of an even more fascistic theocracy or “thugocracy”, in the words of Robin Wright. The people, activists, young and old, male and female, can only stand for so long in the face of the vicious brutality that the Khamenei regime inflicts. Especially if they stand more or less alone. The response of the world to the election fraud and ensuing clamp-down by the Ahmadinejad government has been very lukewarm
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PLEDGE
Will do what little I can to bring on the Islamic Republic's demise
For over 30 years the Islamic Republic of Iran has managed to hold on to and consolidate its power through a combination of repression, brutality, spreading of fear and remaining united in the face of their enemies. All of that changed on Friday 19 June when their supreme leader, Ali Khamenei, reduced himself to the ranks of a factional politician and took sides in Iran’s disputed elections. Khamenei’s words in support of a falsified election signalled the end of the Islamic Republic’s hard-earned legitimacy and moved the country and its people into uncharted waters. Iranians inside and outside the country, long accustomed to having their hopes for an end to tyranny dashed, have smelt blood and a movement has commenced which can have no other outcome than an end to the Islamic Republic of Iran and all that it stands for
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CRISIS
For the first time in its political history, Iran finds itself thrown into an unprecedented crisis of legitimacy
by Rami Jahanbegloo
Ever since the first days of the Islamic Republic there have been two sovereignties in Iran, a divine and a popular. The concept of popular sovereignty, which is derived from the indivisible will of the Iranian nation, is inscribed in Article I of the constitution of the Islamic Republic. And the divine concept of sovereignty is derived from God's will, which, through the medium of Shi'ia institutions of an Imamate, is bestowed on the existing 'faqih' as the rightful ruler of the Shi'ite community, a perception which forms the foundation of the doctrine of the 'Velayat-i-Faqih'. Increasingly, the divine sovereignty has been less about religion than about political theology. As for the popular sovereignty, it has found its due place in the social work and political action of Iranian civil society
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POINT
Hopes for change dashed by silent coup
The 12th of June 2009 saw Iran’s tenth presidential election get underway with Iranians turning out in record numbers. As someone who decided to vote in one of the many polling stations made available for expats across the world, I can say that in the scenes I witnessed, the excitement was palpable; we all felt we were on the cusp of an important step and potential leap forward in the ongoing and painstaking struggle for reform in Iran. While we weren’t unrealistic in our expectations and remained cognizant of the constitutional and political constraints upon the Iranian presidential office, we felt there was great potential for a transformation of Iran’s image and place in the international order
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VIEW
Act one of a more radical Islamic Republic?
It is likely that Khamenei will wait to see how this first chapter in a more overt confrontation with his potential rivals will play out. If Ahamdinejad is defeated in the election, Khamenei will likely try to distance himself from the more radical elements of the new generation and seek reconciliation. But this opening gambit launched by Ahmadinejad is not without risk for Khamenei and the regime as a whole. By attacking some of the regime’s top personalities directly, Ahmadinejad may have just opened up a Pandora’s box. In the last few days the President’s rivals have already attacked him and his allies with numerous counter-allegations of corruption, incompetence and untruthfulness, the magnitude and tone of which are extraordinary for the Islamic Republic
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ELECTIONS
As spectacles go, this presidential election has been entertaining
In elaborate speeches, Mousavi has been mesmerizing university audiences thirsting for anything other than stale lectures filled with long quotations from Koran in Arabic verse, which most people don't understand, riddled with militant-sounding speechifying typical of the ideological conservatives. Mousavi has been spreading the news that, unlike others, he believes that 'principled orthodoxy' and 'reformism' are but two sides of the same coin, and both are needed for an Islamic society to thrive in the modern world. Mousavi, besides having the biggest following supposedly and the best chance of ousting the incumbent president Ahmadinejad, seems also to be the candidate Western 'moderates' like to see win
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VIEW
Iran’s 2009 presidential race
The word tragedy, derived from the ancient Greek words for goat (tragos) and song (aedien), invokes the creature’s plaintive cries. The cacophony of confused voices – on the streets, in the media and in campaign debates and jingles – surrounding Iran’s upcoming Presidential elections bring to mind the term’s origins. Iran’s post revolutionary regime, described by such paradoxical terms as “theocratic democracy” and “dual government” is the cause of the Iranian voters’ vows. The country’s electoral process, while working well in the middle, featuring hard-fought contests and hard-won votes, is rigged on both ends: candidates have to be vetted by unelected bodies before they can run for office and, once elected, they are kept from setting defense and foreign policy
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VIEW
On June 3, Iran marked the twentieth anniversary of Ali Khamenei's appointment as the leader of Iran. While international attention is focused on the June 12 presidential elections, the winner of that contest will remain subordinate to Khamenei in power and importance, despite the latter's low profile. Lacking the charisma and religious credentials of his predecessor, Khamenei has managed to attain his powerful position by taking control of key government agencies and building a robust bureaucracy under his direction. Understanding Khamenei's role in Iran's complicated governmental system and how he wields his understated power will be key for the United States as it undertakes a new strategy for dealing with Tehran
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LETTER
یکی از بزرگترین مشکلات اندیشمندان ما این است که اصولا معضل اصلی اجتماع ایران را نفهمیده اند و یا اینکه فهمیده اند ولی ترجیح میدهند چشم خود را به روی آن ببندند و همچنان بر طبلی که سالها است کوبیده اند باز هم مصرانه بکوبند! حرفها و استدلالهای نخ نما شده ای که از فرط تکرار به شدت مبتذل شده اند از هر سو بیرحمانه بر سر مردم آوار می شوند. اپوزیسیون به غایت روشنفکر ما! تمام درد را در وجود پدیدهء شومی به نام جمهوری اسلامی می بیند و بدون اینکه هیچ آلترناتیوی برای آن ارائه دهد فقط آن را و انتخاباتش را بایکوت می کند. ریشهء همهء مشکلات در نظام ولایت فقیه جستجو شده و تنها راه رهایی در سرکوبی سلطهء فقیه خلاصه می شود. در داخل کشور هم اصلاح طلبان نوک تیز پیکان حمله را به سمت اصول گرایان می گیرند و بر عکس اصول گرایان نیر همهء فتنه ها را زیر سر اصلاح طلبان می دانند. خلاصه آش شوله قلمکاری شده که نگو و نپرس
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